*What a shame that it is this outsider who is the one *
*fighting for **our cause; **rather than our empty, hollow *
*and disgusting African elite?*

  EU has put Africa between a rock and a hard place Wednesday, 19th
December, 2007   [image: E-mail
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*By Phil Bloomer*

THE EU-Africa summit that took place in Lisbon 10 days ago has been
criticised for not delivering concrete outcomes. However, it did do one
useful thing: it highlighted the massive problems and tensions that exist
because of the trade agreements Europe wants to finalise with 76 African,
Caribbean and Pacific countries by the end of the year.

At the time of writing, 15 countries, 13 of them in Africa, had initialled
far-reaching deals that threaten to split regions apart. But more than 60
countries are still holding out, and at the summit —ironically with a theme
of partnership - there were strong voices raised in opposition, notably from
Senegal's President Abdoulaye Wade.

The so-called Economic Partnership Agreements—or EPAs —being negotiated
between the EU and its former colonies, are about anything but partnership.
They are harsh reciprocal trade arrangements that demand that some of the
poorest countries in the world open their markets to EU goods, in some cases
almost overnight.

Until now, many countries have held out against the pressure, but as the
deadline approaches, some are giving in —choosing to guarantee existing
exports at the expense of future industrial development and subsistence
farmers' livelihoods.

Ivory Coast's signature on December 7 was particularly disappointing. The
West African bloc barely had the draft text on the table and suddenly, one
of their most powerful members has broken away and signed a free trade
agreement with the EU — the region's largest trading partner.

The text was brand new, written by the European Commission and seen for the
first time in the region only a few days before. There had been no public
consultation, just a series of high level diplomatic missions flying in from
Europe telling the politicians to sign or see their export sectors collapse
in three weeks' time due to a massive hike by Europe in their import taxes.

Nigeria has flatly refused the agreement, as has Senegal. Ghana is still
holding out. All last week Ghanaian officials were in urgent and tense
discussions with a high level delegation that had flown in from the European
Commission. European powers have also exerted pressure behind the scenes,
taking the President aside for one-on-one talks to 'discuss' what is in his
best interests.

After decades of attempts at regional integration and efforts to foster
stability in one of the world's poorest and most unstable regions, it seems
that Europe and the Commission feel they need to impose what is 'good' for
the region once again.

Five East African countries were the first to sign, splitting from their
neighbours two weeks ago, abandoning a text that had been several years in
the negotiating, to initial the brand new text the European Commission
placed in front of them. Then the four smallest countries in southern Africa
broke away from their neighbours, plunging the world's oldest customs union
into crisis.

Papua New Guinea followed suit, veering away from the Pacific Islands with
whom it has negotiated for the past six years. Only the Caribbean and
Central African regions' negotiating teams remain intact.

It wouldn't be so bad if the content weren't so disturbing. Countries are
signing up for full-scale liberalisation with their largest trading partner,
opening up between 80 and 97% of trade with Europe in a space of just 10 to
15 years. They are agreeing to freeze all tariffs immediately and then
eliminate their export taxes. They are systematically giving away much of
what they have fought for at the World Trade Organisation.

Some are even guaranteeing Europe that she will never have less favourable
access to their markets than her major competitors —China, Brazil and the
US. This goes further than the trade liberalisation Africa saw under
structural adjustment, which wiped out industries in the 1980s, policies
that the World Bank later regretted. However, unlike in the 1980s, now even
the free traders accept that rapid and poorly thought-through trade
liberalisation brings inequality and destroys industries. So there really is
no 'development' smokescreen to hide behind. But like in the 1980s, the
conditionalities here also bite.

The agreements contain strong dispute settlement mechanisms through which
Europe can make very sure that countries comply.

What is worse, none of this was necessary. It is not as if politicians in
developing countries don't know that these agreements are bad. They know,
but for many, the only alternative they see is worse. Europe has put them
between a rock and a hard place.

Countries are signing up to avert imminent disaster in their export sectors.
The costs of the free trade agreements lie squarely in the future, while the
costs of not signing are only a couple of weeks away. Plus, at the end of
the day, when nearly half of your government budget comes from Europe and a
$100m a year directly from the European Commission, it can be hard to say
'no'.

This is the case for Mozambique, one of the poorest countries in the world.
As the dust settles after Lisbon, one thing is abundantly clear. After
decades of building an effective trade and aid partnership between Europe
and Africa, there is no longer a genuine partnership in trade. Contrary to
Europe's claims, its threat to raise tariffs on January 1, 2008 is not a
legal imperative. It is a choice. Pure and simple. Any development-minded
minister from any EU member state must see that and must do something about
it —now—before it is too late.

The Lisbon summit must be a wake-up call for the politicians who have been
slumbering while European technocrats crowbar ever-harsher demands into
intrinsically unfair deals. The threat to raise tariffs should be removed,
and countries that have not signed EPAs must be reassured that they will not
be left worse off after January 1.

Those who have initialled interim deals should be given the opportunity to
review and if necessary, renegotiate, potentially damaging clauses. Any less
than this will leave the EU with the uncomfortable legacy as the power that
undermined Africa's chances for future prosperity and denied the continent
the opportunity to use trade to help lift people out of poverty.

*The writer is Director of Campaigns and Policy at Oxfam on the latest
developments in negotiations of free trade agreements between the EU and
African, Caribbean and pacific countries*
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