The humbling of a Prime Minister

LAWRENCE MARTIN 

>From Monday's Globe and Mail

December 1, 2008 at 12:11 AM EST

Elizabeth May tells a story from the televised election debates. The rules 
stipulated that leaders were allowed to bring in blank paper for note-taking. 
"I'm seated next to Stephen Harper," the Green Party Leader recalls, swearing 
she isn't imagining things, "and I look down on his little table. His paper 
isn't blank. He's got all these notes, already prepared. It was like to hell 
with the rules. I do what I want." 

That was then. This is now.

Now, a domineering Prime Minister known for running a minority like he has won 
a landslide is on bended knee, petitioning for survival. In a matter of days 
Mr. Harper has recanted on his plan to withdraw public funding for political 
parties, has disavowed his intent to eliminate the right of public servants to 
strike, has moved up the timing of his budget and moved back the timing of a 
confidence vote.

The sight of him semi-prostrate before the likes of Stéphane Dion and Jack 
Layton is not something many would have believed. He hasn't done the full 
revocation yet. He hasn't come forward with a plan for major stimulus in the 
budget, as opposition parties demand. That could come later this week. But 
whatever the outcome of the current crisis, one thing is clear: This is a Prime 
Minister who is getting his comeuppance. You live by the sword, you die by the 
sword. He isn't dead, but he is mightily humbled. History won't forget these 
days.Many of us thought he might be changing his ways. I'd written countless 
columns about his autocratic tactics, but thought that with his election win in 
October we were seeing a new Stephen Harper, that he was more relaxed and 
secure. He made some impressive personnel changes and seemed to be displaying a 
little more bipartisanship. But his opting to play power-monger politics in the 
midst of a global economic crisis last week showed there was little change. It 
confirmed the worst suspicions.

Having dug himself into this chasm, the Prime Minister is now making the right 
moves - especially if he signals more economic stimulus - in trying to dig 
himself out. He had little choice, given the scathing media reaction, to eat 
crow on his economic update. With his pullback, he now leaves the opposition 
parties with less ammunition. He makes it look like they are the ones who, with 
their continued coalition-plotting, are engaged in a power grab.

The opposition will argue that the PM's intent was clear, that he doesn't 
deserve a second chance, that he cannot be trusted - and that, indeed, he did 
have a hidden agenda, it being total political control via his party 
non-funding plan. Mr. Harper did not reveal the funding reform plan or some of 
the other measures in his election campaign or in his Throne Speech. They were 
inserted at the last minute in the update. He once denounced Joe Clark for 
losing his 1979 minority on the basis of a gasoline tax that the Tory leader 
had not campaigned on. "You can be principled without being stupid," Mr. Harper 
said of Mr. Clark. But last week Mr. Harper proceeded to do a similar thing.

The PM also told everyone he was familiar with the mistakes leaders made in the 
Great Depression of the 1930s - belt-tightening instead of stimulus. 
Mysteriously he didn't heed it, at least not in his economic statement.

If defeated on a non-confidence motion, he will hope the Governor-General 
allows him to fight an election. He might wish before seeing her to retract his 
attempt to pressure her. He said Friday that Mr. Dion "does not have the right 
to take power without an election." This is blatantly wrong. The Opposition 
leader does, in fact, have the constitutional right in a minority government 
and the Governor-General has the authority to confer it.

Up until now, the Prime Minister has been able to get away with his strong-arm 
tactics, his disavowing of his own election law being another recent example. 
But the economic update did much to expose the essence of him. My suspicion is 
that we don't know the half of what went on in his first term and that if there 
were more journalistic inquiry the extent of his attempts to put a stranglehold 
on the system would be found to be startling.

Last week, a bureaucrat with close ties to the PMO, said Mr. Harper has told 
colleagues, "When I'm hiring someone, I want to see fear in their eyes." It may 
be an apocryphal story, but like Ms. May's, it seems to fit the mould. In any 
case, the fear isn't in the eyes of others now. It's in his own.

 The Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"
            Groupe de communication Mulindwas 
"avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"
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