Civil society supports ICC ahead of special AU summit

Foreign Ministers African States Parties to the International Criminal Court


Re: Support for the ICC at African Union (AU) summit on October 11-12 

Dear Foreign Minister:

We, the undersigned 130 African civil society organizations and
international organizations with representatives in 34 African countries,
write to urge your government to affirm its support for the ICC and the
court’s treaty, the Rome Statute, during the extraordinary AU summit on the
ICC scheduled for October 11-12, 2013. 

As you know, the relationship between the ICC and some African governments
has faced renewed challenges as the ICC’s cases for crimes committed during
Kenya’s post-election violence in 2007-08 have progressed. This has led to
the scheduling of the AU extraordinary summit and questions over whether
some African ICC states may be considering withdrawal from the Rome Statute.


We believe any withdrawal from the ICC would send the wrong signal about
Africa’s commitment to protect and promote human rights and reject impunity
as reflected in article 4 of the AU’s Constitutive Act. Needless to say, the
work and functioning of the ICC should not be beyond scrutiny and
improvement. 

However, considerations of withdrawal risk grave consequences for civilians
in Africa, who tend to bear the brunt of serious crimes committed in
violation of international law. The ICC remains the only permanent criminal
court with the authority to act when a state with jurisdiction is unable or
unwilling to investigate or prosecute. 

As organizations working within Africa, some on behalf of or alongside
victims of international crimes, we see every day the importance of ensuring
access to justice. It is also important to note that withdrawal from the
Rome Statute would not have a legal impact on the ICC’s existing cases. 

A key criticism raised by some African leaders is that the court is
targeting Africa. While the ICC’s cases are entirely from Africa, the
majority came before the court as a result of requests by the states where
the crimes were committed (Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central
African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, and Mali). Two other situations—Libya and
Darfur, Sudan—were referred by the United Nations Security Council, with the
support of its African members. Kenya is the only situation where the ICC
Office of the Prosecutor acted on its own initiative, but only with the
approval of an ICC pre-trial chamber after Kenya failed to take action to
ensure justice domestically. 

We recognize that international justice currently operates unevenly across
the globe. In some situations, powerful governments are able to shield their
citizens and the citizens of their allies from the ICC’s authority by not
joining the ICC or using their veto power at the Security Council to block
referrals of situations to the court. We will continue to work with your
government and other partners to ensure consistency in the application of
international justice, including pressing against double standards at the
Security Council. 

But undercutting justice for crimes where it is possible because justice is
not yet possible in all situations risks emboldening those who might commit
grave crimes. Working to expand, rather than contract, the membership of the
ICC is a key step in widening access to justice and sending the message that
no one is above the law. 

The ICC’s role in Kenya underscores the court’s role as a crucial court of
last resort, and we urge your government to signal support for this process
to run its course. Kenya’s leaders in 2008 initially agreed to set up a
special tribunal to try cases related to the post-election violence, which
claimed more than 1100 lives, destroyed livelihoods, and displaced more than
a half-million people. But when efforts to create the tribunal or to move
forward cases in ordinary courts failed, the IC C prosecutor opened an
investigation. This had been recommended by a national commission of inquiry
set up as part of an African Union- mediated agreement to end the violence. 

Although the African Union, at the initiative of Kenya and Uganda, called
for a “referral” of the ICC’s cases to a national mechanism in Kenya at its
May 2013 summit, such referral is only for the ICC judges to decide on the
basis of a legal challenge to the ICC, known as an admissibility challenge.
In view of a lack of genuine national investigations and prosecutions, the
ICC judges in 2011 rejected a challenge by the Kenyan government in these
cases. Even since that decision there have not been serious efforts within
Kenya to mount investigations and prosecutions of the post-election
violence. 

Kenya has put governments in an awkward position by pressing for action to
avoid the ICC’s cases for crimes committed in Kenya while having failed to
avail itself of the legal procedures for the court to authorize such a move
based on credible domestic investigation and prosecution. If adopted, a
recent resolution by the Kenyan parliament to repeal the country’s
International Crimes Act also would mean that the country would lose an
important tool for the domestic prosecution of international crimes. 

African states have been some of the most important supporters of the
creation and effective functioning of the ICC. African states played an
active role at the negotiations to establish the court, and 34 African
states—a majority of African Union member states—have now become ICC states
parties. As discussed above, African governments have sought the ICC’s
assistance to carry out investigations and prosecutions, and Africans are
also among the highest-level ICC officials and staff and serve as judges at
the court. 

In this context, we urge your government to work to ensure support within
Africa for the ICC and its critical role in the fight against impunity,
including in Kenya. This includes by signalling at AU meetings, in public
comments, and in bilateral discussions with other African governments that
the court represents a vital instrument in the fight against impunity. 

We would welcome the chance to discuss this important issue further and
civil society organizations with offices in your country will be in contact
to set up a meeting on these matters.

Sincerely, 

1. DITSHWANELO - The Botswana Cent re for Human Rights, Botswana 
2. Amnesty International Burkina Faso 
3. l'Action des Chrétiens pour l'Abol ition de la Torture au Burundi 
4. Action pour le Droit et le Bien-être de l'Enfant, Burundi 
5. Association of Female Lawyers of Burundi 
6. Burundi Coalition for the International Criminal Court (ICC), Burundi 
7. Fontaine-ISOKO pour la Bonne Gouvernance et le Développement Intégré,
Asbl, Burundi 
8. Forum for Strengthening Civil Society, Burundi 
9. Forum pour la Conscience et le Développement, Burundi 
10. Ligue burundaise des droits de l'Homme, Burundi 
11. Réseau des Citoyens Probes, Burundi 
12. Cameroon Coalition for the ICC, Cameroon 
13. Gender Empowerment and Development, Cameroon 
14. Association of Female Lawyers of Cape Verde 15. Central African
Coalition for the ICC, Central African Republic 
16. Association tchadienne pour la promotion et le défense des droits de
l'Homme, Chad 
17. Ligue tchadienne des droits de l'Homme, Chad 
18. Ivorian Coalition for the ICC, Côte d'Ivoire 
19. Ligue ivoirienne des droits de l'Homme, Côte d'Ivoire 
20. Mouvement ivoirien des droits humains, Côte d'Ivoire 21. Réseau Equitas
Côte d'Ivoire 
22. Access to Justice, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) 23. Christian
Activists Actions for Human Rights in Shabunda, DRC 
24. Congo Peace Network, DRC 
25. Congolese Foundation for the Promotion of Human Rights and Peace, DRC 
26. Coordination Office of the Civil Society of South Kivu, DRC 
27. Democratic Republic of the Congo National Coalition for the ICC, DRC 
28. League for Peace, Human Rights and Justice, DRC 
29. La Ligue des Elécteurs, DRC 
30. Ligue pour la Promotion et le Développement Intégral de la Femme et de
l'Enfant, DRC 
31. The Lotus Group, DRC 
32. Synergie des ONGs Congolaises pour les Victimes, DRC 
33. Vision GRAM- International, DRC 
34. Vision Sociale asbl, DRC 
35. Eastern Africa Journalist s Association, Djibouti 
36. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, Egypt 
37. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, Egypt 
38. Human Rights Concern, Eritrea 
39. The Civil Society Associations Gambia 
40. Coalition For Change, Gambia 
41. Abibiman Foundation, Ghana 
42. Amnesty International Ghana 
43. Centre for Popular Education and Human Rights, Ghana 
44. Communication for Social Change, Ghana 
45. Ghana Center for Democratic Development, Ghana 
46. Media Foundation for West Africa, Ghana 
47. Association des victimes, parents et amis du 28 septembre 2009, Guinea 
48. Organisation guinéenne des droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen, Guinea 
49. Amnesty International Kenya 
50. Civil Society Organization’s Network, Kenya 
51. Independent Medico-Legal Unit, Kenya 
52. International Commission of Jurists Kenya 
53. Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice, Kenya 
54. Transformation Resource Center, Lesotho 
55. Actions for Genuine Democratic Alternatives, Liberia 
56. Concerned Christian Community, Liberia 
57. Foundation for International Dignity, Liberia 
58. Liberia Research and Public Policy Center, Liberia 
59. National Civil Society Council of Liberia 
60. Rights and Rice Foundation, Liberia 
61. Centre for Human Rights and Rehabilitation, Malawi 
62. Centre for the Development of People, Malawi 
63. Civil Liberties Committee, Malawi 
64. Church and Society Programme, Malawi 
65. Association malienne des droits de l'Homme, Mali 
66. Coalition Malienne des Défenseurs des Droits Humains, Mali 
67. FEMNET-Mali 
68. Mali Coalition for the ICC, Mali 
69. NamRights, Namibia 
70. Access to Justice, Nigeria 
71. Alliances for Africa, Nigeria 
72. BAOBAB for Women's Human Rights, Nigeria 
73. BraveHeart Initiative for Youth & Women, Nigeria 
74. Center for Citizens Rights, Nigeria 
75. Centre for Democracy and Development, Nigeria 
76. Centre for Human Rights and Conflict Resolution, Nigeria 
77. Citizens Center for Integrated Development & Social Rights, Nigeria 
78. Civil Liberties Organisation, Nigeria 
79. Civil Resource Development and Documentation Centre, Nigeria 
80. Coalition of Eastern NGOs, Nigeria 
81. Human Rights Agenda Network Nigeria 
82. Human Rights Social Development and Environmental Foundation, Nigeria
83. Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law, Nigeria 
84. Justice, Development and Peace Commission, Nigeria 
85. Legal Resources Consortium, Nigeria 
86. National Coalition on Affirmative Action, Nigeria 
87. Nigeria Coalition for the International Criminal Court, Nigeria 
88. Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project, Nigeria 
89. West African Bar Association, Nigeria 
90. Engagement for peace and human rights, Republic of the Congo 
91. Human Rights First Rwanda Association, Rwanda 
92. Amnesty International Senegal 93. Ligue sénégalaise des droits humains,
Senegal 
94. Centre for Accountability and Rule of Law, Sierra Leone 
95. Coalition for Justice and Accountability, Sierra Leone 
96. Centre for Human Rights, University of Pretoria, South Africa 
97. Co-operative for Research and Education, South Africa 
98. Darfur Solidarity, South Africa 
99. International Crime in Africa Programme, Institute for Security Studies,
South Africa 
100. South Africa Forum for International Solidarity, South Africa 
101. Southern Africa Litigation Centre, South Africa 
102. Children Education Society, Tanzania 
103. Services Health & Development for people living positively with
HIV/AIDS, Tanzania 
104. Tanzania Pastoralist Community Forum, Tanzania 
105. Amnesty International Togo 
106. West African Human Rights Network, Togo 
107. Advocates for Public International Law Uganda 
108. African Centre for Justice and Peace Studies, Uganda 
109. Community Development and Child Welfare Initiatives, Uganda 
110. Corruption Brakes Crusade, Uganda 
111. East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project, Uganda 
112. Foundation for Human Rights Initiative, Uganda 
113. Human Rights Network Uganda 
114. Kumi Human Rights Initiative, Uganda 
115. Lira NGO Forum, Uganda 
116. People for Peace and Defence of Rights, Uganda 
117. Soroti Development Associati on & NGOs Network, Uganda 
118. Uganda Coalition on International Criminal Court, Uganda 
119. Uganda Victims Foundation, Uganda 
120. Women Peace and Security, Uganda 
121. Southern African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes,
Zambia 122. Amnesty International Zimbabwe 
123. Counselling Services Unit, Zimbabwe 
124. Coalition for the International Criminal Court, with offices in Benin
and the Democratic Republic of the Congo 
125. Enough Project, with offices in the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Kenya, South Sudan, and Uganda 
126. Human Rights Watch, with offices in Kenya and South Africa 
127. International Federation for Human Rights, with offices in Côte
d'Ivoire, Guinea, Kenya, and Mali 
128. Parliamentarians for Global Action, with offices in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo and Uganda 
129. West African Journalists Association, with offices in Mali and Senegal 
130. Women’s Initiatives for Gender Justice, with offices in Egypt and
Uganda

 

           Thé Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni and Dr. Kiiza Besigye Uganda is in anarchy"
           Kuungana Mulindwa Mawasiliano Kikundi
"Pamoja na Yoweri Museveni na Dk. Kiiza Besigye Uganda ni katika machafuko"

 

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