22 Jan. 1848

Eviction of Tenantry a Chief Cause of Social Evil

Some of the Ulster landlords seemed resolved to test the truth of the
prophecy contained in the report of Lord Devon's commission, that should
they imitate their brethren elsewhere in their mode of dealing with their
tenantry, "they will soon", in the North, have another Tipperary." On all
hands it has been confessed that the northern have, hitherto, differed from
the southern counties mainly in two things; there were comparatively few
evictions and there were still fewer praedial crimes - The ill-disposed had
more rarely pretexts for violence, and the well-disposed had more seldom
any silent misgivings as to the intentions of the lords of the soil. The
hard toiling man lay down and slept in peace, for his farm was cropped and
its lease was safe and he felt as secure of a renewal when it expired, or
compensation for "going out", as he did of reaping the corn he had sown, or
pulling the flax he had planted. And if an idler were out o'nights and
found companions like himself, more bent on adventurous mischief than
persevering industry, their furtive step was generally directed, as that of
thieves is wont to be, to the solitary house, or the unguarded “ byre,” for
the sake of pelf and plunder.
Even of such offences there were not a greater number than might found in
thickly peopled English counties; and of sympathy with the authors of them,
there was naturally none. Above all, the taking of human life for any cause
was comparatively rare. The deadly hate, the ferocious threat, the noon-day
assault, the neutral or favouring presence of others, and the
ill-suppressed sympathy in the fate, rather of the culprit than his victim
- from all these poisonous elements Ulster was happily free; and the main
cause of such a difference was too palpable to be doubted or disguised. A
single extract from the statistic annals of the two regions will put the
matter clearly.

We select for comparison two districts, each of which contains upwards of a
million and a half of cultivated acres and as nearly as possible, the same
number of inhabitants.
In the one, consisting of four northern counties, we find 171,314 holdings;
in the other, consisting of three southern counties, we find only 114,898.
But instead of a greater number of defendants in the ejectment in the
former in twelve months, calculated on an average of 5 successive years, we
find it strikingly less; and when we cast our eyes at the average number of
"homicides with felonious intent", the proportion differs in a still more
instructive ratio.

Northern Counties population 1,080,510
Donegal tenants 45,898; ejected 713; murders 3
Down tenants 69,515; ejected 819; murders 3
Londonderry tenants 24,350; ejected 619; murders 1½
Monaghan tenants 31,551; ejected 417; murders 1½
totals =  tenants 171,314; ejected 2,648;  murders 9

Southern Counties population 1,003,585
Clare tenants 28,259; ejected 1,504; murders 10;
Limerick tenants 30,750; ejected 1,143; murders 8;
Tipperary tenants 55,888; ejected 2,384; murders 20;
totals =  tenants 114,897; ejected 5,031; murders 38;

No words of ours could give additional force to the conviction which these
eloguent figures are calculated to produce on every unprejudiced mind. As
far as the question of sanguinary outrages is concerned, they tend to show
that these cannot be ascribed to the prevalence of small holdings, or to
greater density of population. But they serve to point out truly that the
origin of crime is to be traced to social and moral causes - to the
discordant and anomalous working of the relations between class and class,
and to the existence of mutual distrust and enmity. Hitherto the northern
counties have been comparatively free from this fearful bane. 'Why' they
were so, it would take long to tell. Sympathy of creed between the owners
and occupiers of the soil had no doubt considerable influence in mitigating
the disposition to oppress and the morbid suspicion of oppression - itself
an almost equal evil. But other influences, far more potential, worked
together for the tenant's good, the great good of making him feel secure of
his possession. From the days of the plantation of Ulster in the 17th
century, property has been much more divided there, than in many other
parts of the country. There were then created, it is true, vast estates,
several of which still remain, but it was part of the policy of that
measure to foster the creation of derivative interests, with freehold
tenure, under the great proprietors. A resident middle class was thereby in
some degree created and although it has in recent times become the fashion
to denounce all who fall under the name of middlemen, it is certain that no
modification of society is less adapted for the promotion of social and
political progress or peace, than one which is reduced to the two extremes
of absentee lords in fee of vast domains and occupying tenants without
permanent tenure.

In Ulster the landlord class has for many generations been more varied in
degree and more numerous as a whole. A tenant who could not get on well
under one proprietor, had a fair chance of obtaining a farm from another.
It was long customary for the lesser proprietary, who themselves held by
"leases of lives renewable for ever", to grant the actual tillers of the
ground an equivalent tenure. When the lives in their own leases dropped, it
was frequently found that those in the tenants were the same; and the
renewals of both are in general contemporaneous. As for "tenant right", of
which we have lately heard so much, that was a touch more modern expedient,
arising out of circumstances of comparatively recent date. Its meaning and
importance have been not a little misstated and mistaken. But the power to
sell the goodwill of a farm, to whatever extent it may exist, proves the
habitual recognition, on the part of the landlords, of the equitable if not
the legal claim of the tenantry to be suffered, if he wished to retain
possession. The crusade against population and the theory of consolidation
of farms were, as yet, unknown and when industry had accumulated capital in
trade, or the linen manufacture and invested its earnings in the purchase
of land, the number of landlords was only further augmented, but the
standing policy of their order was not changed. "Live and let thrive” was
the common law of Ulster.

Far different has too long been the unhappy condition of the south and
west. No part of the tenantry there had even the bonds of sectarian
sympathy to unite them with the lords of the soil. Estates in general were
less broken up; there were at one time many middlemen, but these persons
usually held by profitable, but expirable leases; their object was to make
the most of their time, and undoubtedly, their exactions from their
sub-tenants were as great as might have been expected. To a considerable
extent, however, these have been swept away. The 'whole' of the rent paid
by the occupiers now goes to the landlord, often an absentee and he in
return, is at utter war with them. When the middleman's lease dropped, he
refused to renew their tenure, or offered them such short leases as would
deprive them of the elective franchise and stifle within them any design of
making permanent improvements by draining, building, planting, or
otherwise. Hence distrust and crime.

Yet with the bitter fruits of this ruioous warfare before their eyes, the
landlords of Ulster appear inclined to imitate the example of their Munster
brethren. At the quarter sessions of a single district in the county
Donegal the other day, no fewer than 319 decrees in ejectment were
obtained; and from various other quarters the same tidings of disquiet
came. Verily we may fear that in hitherto peaceful and improving Ulster,
there yet may be another Tipperary.

transcribed by Teena from the Weekly Vindicator

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