I wonder what half a murder looks like? Sent from my iPad
> On 22/03/2020, at 4:15 PM, Teena <[email protected]> wrote: > > 22 Jan. 1848 > > Eviction of Tenantry a Chief Cause of Social Evil > > Northern Counties population 1,080,510 > Donegal tenants 45,898; ejected 713; murders 3 > Down tenants 69,515; ejected 819; murders 3 > Londonderry tenants 24,350; ejected 619; murders 1½ > Monaghan tenants 31,551; ejected 417; murders 1½ > totals = tenants 171,314; ejected 2,648; murders 9 > > Southern Counties population 1,003,585 > Clare tenants 28,259; ejected 1,504; murders 10; > Limerick tenants 30,750; ejected 1,143; murders 8; > Tipperary tenants 55,888; ejected 2,384; murders 20; > totals = tenants 114,897; ejected 5,031; murders 38; > > No words of ours could give additional force to the conviction which these > eloguent figures are calculated to produce on every unprejudiced mind. As far > as the question of sanguinary outrages is concerned, they tend to show that > these cannot be ascribed to the prevalence of small holdings, or to greater > density of population. But they serve to point out truly that the origin of > crime is to be traced to social and moral causes - to the discordant and > anomalous working of the relations between class and class, and to the > existence of mutual distrust and enmity. Hitherto the northern counties have > been comparatively free from this fearful bane. 'Why' they were so, it would > take long to tell. Sympathy of creed between the owners and occupiers of the > soil had no doubt considerable influence in mitigating the disposition to > oppress and the morbid suspicion of oppression - itself an almost equal evil. > But other influences, far more potential, worked together for the tenant's > good, the great good of making him feel secure of his possession. From the > days of the plantation of Ulster in the 17th century, property has been much > more divided there, than in many other parts of the country. There were then > created, it is true, vast estates, several of which still remain, but it was > part of the policy of that measure to foster the creation of derivative > interests, with freehold tenure, under the great proprietors. A resident > middle class was thereby in some degree created and although it has in recent > times become the fashion to denounce all who fall under the name of > middlemen, it is certain that no modification of society is less adapted for > the promotion of social and political progress or peace, than one which is > reduced to the two extremes of absentee lords in fee of vast domains and > occupying tenants without permanent tenure. > > In Ulster the landlord class has for many generations been more varied in > degree and more numerous as a whole. A tenant who could not get on well under > one proprietor, had a fair chance of obtaining a farm from another. It was > long customary for the lesser proprietary, who themselves held by "leases of > lives renewable for ever", to grant the actual tillers of the ground an > equivalent tenure. When the lives in their own leases dropped, it was > frequently found that those in the tenants were the same; and the renewals of > both are in general contemporaneous. As for "tenant right", of which we have > lately heard so much, that was a touch more modern expedient, arising out of > circumstances of comparatively recent date. Its meaning and importance have > been not a little misstated and mistaken. But the power to sell the goodwill > of a farm, to whatever extent it may exist, proves the habitual recognition, > on the part of the landlords, of the equitable if not the legal claim of the > tenantry to be suffered, if he wished to retain possession. The crusade > against population and the theory of consolidation of farms were, as yet, > unknown and when industry had accumulated capital in trade, or the linen > manufacture and invested its earnings in the purchase of land, the number of > landlords was only further augmented, but the standing policy of their order > was not changed. "Live and let thrive” was the common law of Ulster. > > Far different has too long been the unhappy condition of the south and west. > No part of the tenantry there had even the bonds of sectarian sympathy to > unite them with the lords of the soil. Estates in general were less broken > up; there were at one time many middlemen, but these persons usually held by > profitable, but expirable leases; their object was to make the most of their > time, and undoubtedly, their exactions from their sub-tenants were as great > as might have been expected. To a considerable extent, however, these have > been swept away. The 'whole' of the rent paid by the occupiers now goes to > the landlord, often an absentee and he in return, is at utter war with them. > When the middleman's lease dropped, he refused to renew their tenure, or > offered them such short leases as would deprive them of the elective > franchise and stifle within them any design of making permanent improvements > by draining, building, planting, or otherwise. Hence distrust and crime. > > Yet with the bitter fruits of this ruioous warfare before their eyes, the > landlords of Ulster appear inclined to imitate the example of their Munster > brethren. At the quarter sessions of a single district in the county Donegal > the other day, no fewer than 319 decrees in ejectment were obtained; and from > various other quarters the same tidings of disquiet came. Verily we may fear > that in hitherto peaceful and improving Ulster, there yet may be another > Tipperary. > > transcribed by Teena from the
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