Barron's Editorial a few days ago....

Nat

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November 25th, 2002

Measure for Measure
It's time for the United States to join the world in using the metric system
By THOMAS G. DONLAN

Fundamental Rights

Oh drat! We missed National Metric Week again. It was the week of Oct. 6 and
we are only getting around to plugging it now, toward the end of November.
In a way, of course, our ignorance was appropriate, since it matches the way
the United States has officially been on the metric system for more than a
decade now, with deliberately limited results in public use of meters,
grams, and liters.

Americans buy liquor, wine and soda pop by the liter, but beer by the fluid
ounce. They buy medicines by the milligram, but meat by the pound. Most
Americans have no idea what a hectare is. Our national devotion to feet,
yards, pounds, ounces, acres would astonish Thomas Jefferson, a devoutly
logical man who first proposed that the U.S. adopt a decimal measuring
system when he was secretary of state in 1790. Fortunately, he persuaded
Congress to go along with decimal coinage, rather than pounds, shillings and
pence. But generations of Americans would have had an easier time measuring
everything but wealth if Congress had heeded him and abandoned the mile of
5,280 feet, the acre of four roods, the bushel of eight gallons, the
avoirdupois and troy ounces and all the other medieval baggage of the
antique system.

In some ways, the United States has been officially on the metric system for
more than a century. Using metric measurements has been legal since 1866.
The U.S. signed an international metrification treaty in 1875. In 1890, the
National Bureau of Standards took delivery of the official national
kilogram, a precise duplicate of the world standard kilogram enshrined in
Paris. And in 1893, the U.S. pound was officially defined as 0.4535924277
kilogram, and the yard as 3600/3937th of a meter.

But that was nearly the end of progress, if we define progress as getting on
with using a decimal measuring system. In 1906, Congress rejected a bill to
put the metric system into general use. A metrification law enacted in 1975
required the federal government to use the system wherever "practical," and
many reasons have been found to declare it impractical to buy things in
metric sizes.

Things that are "scientific" have gone metric with occasionally mixed
results: Food packages are usually in the antique system; nutrition labels
are in metric. Thus the nutrition label on a 1.5 ounce bag of potato chips
reveals that the contents include 12 milligrams of fat. A footnote offers a
conversion table for grams to calories, but not grams to ounces.

American advocates of forced metrification (The U.S. Metric Association
prefers "metrication," but almost everybody ignores the association and its
word.) have been frustrated over and over again, although they jealously
look abroad for inspiration. They say scornfully that only the United
States, Burma and Liberia don't use the metric system, and they claim that
not going metric costs U.S. industry billions of dollars in lost export
business.

If you believe that, you probably also believe that American investors have
saved the promised billions of dollars since share prices were decimalized.

Unfortunately for their cause, metrificators are exaggerating the ease of
the task and its benefits. Metrification hasn't been easy anywhere. Even
France, which metrified under the imperial fiat of Napoleon, did not
complete the conversion until long after the emperor's death. The European
Union, which has the dubious advantage of an army of bureaucrats setting
standards for everything, still permits dual labeling in the metric system
and the antique system. Apparently the antique system still enjoys some
market power.

Indeed it does: To the north, Canada went metric in 1971 and put its speed
limit signs in kilometers (or kilometres) per hour, along with nearly all
measurements that government uses. But in 1984 a new government made further
metrification optional, leaving the process in a state of suspended
animation. One must buy frozen turkeys by the kilogram and fresh turkeys by
the pound, even in the same store.

A new government in the United Kingdom, formerly the land of the 20-ounce
Imperial pint, went the other way, ending the shilly-shallying of a
voluntary system and imposing metrification in concert with the EU. Freeborn
Englishmen rebelled, and in a test case last year a grocer was fined for
selling bananas by the pound. Only the tabloid press was delighted, and
enforcement has ground nearly to a halt.

Leaving both the metric system and the antique system in contemporaneous use
has drawbacks, some more serious than a confusion of turkey weights or the
sensational prosecution of fruit merchants. One far-out disaster occurred in
1999, when NASA lost a spacecraft intended to orbit Mars. Some data on
rocket thrust that JPL thought was in metric was actually in pounds, so a
rocket burn for orbital insertion was drastically mistimed. And an Air
Canada jetliner ran out of fuel in 1983 because it was loaded with thousands
of pounds of fuel instead of thousands of kilograms. Fortunately, the pilot
was able to glide to an emergency landing strip.

These are, of course, human errors. They happened because humans did not
recognize the accidental measurement traps that other humans had set by not
agreeing on a single simple system.

In the United States, we must lay this fault at the door of Congress. Fixing
the standard of weights and measures is one of its enumerated powers in the
Constitution. Since 1975, however, Congress has only attempted a conversion
to the stealth metric system. Government buys and builds things in the
metric system, hoping to jump-start the free market. All it has done is
raise the cost of doing business with the government.

Currently, Congress is ignoring even the lesser challenge of whether to
allow certain products to be packaged and labeled in metric units alone,
which might make them more acceptable in foreign markets.

There are few places in the economy where the government can actually
legislate American efficiency. The system of weights and measures is one of
them. Congress can and should convert the country to the metric system.


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Fundamental Rights
"Congress shall make no law...abridging the freedom of speech, or of the
press"

The New York Stock Exchange, whose rules have the force of law when approved
by the Securities and Exchange Commission under Congressional authority,
thinks it can abridge the freedom of security analysts and the media.

Analysts must disclose their ownership positions in stocks they discuss, and
disclose their firms' possible conflicts of interest. That rule already
flies too close to the First Amendment, but the NYSE wants to go further: If
an analyst makes one of these disclosures to a reporter, and his newspaper,
magazine or broadcast outlet chooses not to mention it, the NYSE demands
that the firm not talk to the publication any more.

After decades of interviewing analysts and reading the fruits of our
colleagues' interviews, we are sorely tempted to go along. Being cut off by
analysts has its appeal. We should do our own research, read company reports
ourselves and shmooze with executives directly, rather than by proxy. But
the Constitution insists that's our business and the analysts' business, not
the business of the stock exchange and the SEC.


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Editorial Page Editor Thomas G. Donlan receives e-mail at
[EMAIL PROTECTED]



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