Posted by Eugene Volokh:
Will judges be barred from participating in the Boy Scouts?

   As blog readers know, I strongly oppose anti-sodomy laws; I
   tentatively support gay marriage; I think same-sex couples should be
   allowed to adopt; and I'm generally quite skeptical of government
   discrimination against homosexuals.

   At the same time, I think the anti-gay-rights forces have a very good
   point when they worry about gay rights interfering with the rights of
   those who oppose homosexuality. We know that many parts of the gay
   rights movement aren't just after liberty from government oppression,
   or even getting equal treatment from the government. They also want to
   ban private employers and other entities (landlords, places of public
   accommodation, and others) from discriminating against homosexuals,
   which is to say to require them to associate with homosexuals.

   Many (though not all) in the gay rights movement want to ban private
   associations, such as the Boy Scouts, from discriminating based on
   sexual orientation. Most recently, there is now talk of prohibiting
   judges from belonging in groups that discriminate based on sexual
   orientation, which may bar them from [1]participating in the Boy
   Scouts.

   The gay rights movement has won many victories, and has influenced
   many people even where it hasn't (yet) won -- such as in the gay
   rights debate -- by essentially asking "How does it hurt you?" How
   does it hurt me that two homosexual adults can have consensual
   noncommercial sex with each other in their own home? How does it hurt
   me that they can get married, or adopt children? (One can say that it
   may hurt their children, but many people, myself included, are
   skeptical about that.)

   But that question ignores those gay rights proposals that would reduce
   the liberty of others -- and it ignores the way the various proposals
   are, as a matter of practical politics, interconnected. As a logical
   matter, it's possible to bar the government from discriminating based
   on sexual orientation, but to leave private parties free to do so. But
   as a psychological matter, many people's judgments about what private
   people (or government officials acting in their private capacity) may
   do are affected by what the government may do. The more homosexual
   relationships are legitimized, the more many (not all, but many)
   people in the middle of the political spectrum on this question will
   condemn even private discrimination against homosexuals.

   The analogy to race discrimination that gay rights advocates often
   cite is really quite apt here. People who oppose homosexuality are
   understandably worried that their views will become as stigmatized --
   and acting on those views will in many ways become as illegal -- as
   racist views are now. And one way to fight this possibility is to
   fight it early, for instance in the marriage debate, rather than to
   wait until that's lost and the gay rights movement moves even more
   firmly towards restricting the private sector.

   Now of course if one thinks that the law should ban sexual orientation
   discrimination by private employers, private landlords, and private
   associations like the Boy Scouts, and that judges and other government
   officials should be barred from participating in the few
   heterosexual-only groups that remain, then one would hardly worry
   about these effects. Also, if one thinks (as I do) that some of the
   gay rights proposals are good ideas but others (such as interference
   with judges' ability to participate in the Boy Scouts, or outright
   prohibition on discrimination by the Boy Scouts) are bad ideas, one
   might conclude that their benefits outweigh the speculative though not
   implausible costs that these good proposals might politically enable
   the bad ones.

   And, finally, one should realize that sometimes fighting too
   implacably against every proposal may prove counterproductive: For
   instance, if the anti-gay-rights movement tried hard not just to
   reverse Lawrence v. Texas but actually start harshly enforcing sodomy
   laws, the result would likely weaken the political power of the
   movement rather than strengthen it (and of course I think such an
   approach would be morally wrong as well).

   But in any event, one should acknowledge that the "It doesn't hurt
   you, so why should you object?" argument omits an important point: The
   broad array of gay rights proposals would restrict the liberty and
   equality of those who oppose homosexuality -- and this array is more
   of a package deal than we might think, since the more proposals the
   gay rights movement wins on, the easier (generally speaking) it would
   be for it to win on other proposals.

   We might be able to envision a regime of optimal liberty, where the
   rights of both homosexuals and those who oppose homosexuality are
   equally respected -- many libertarians, for instance, would do so by
   distinguishing restrictions on government action from restrictions on
   nongovernmental action. But even if we can identify a point that we
   ourselves endorse, that point may as a practical matter be politically
   unstable, so that if the gay rights movement gets to that point
   (wherever the point is), it will in practice end up also getting more,
   and cutting into the liberties of others. And it thus makes perfect
   sense that those who oppose some of those proposals would fight all of
   them, precisely because once some are enacted, the others will become
   politically more appealing.

   So the result is pretty sad: Maybe we do have, as a practical matter,
   a choice between a regime that suppresses the liberties of homosexuals
   and benefits those who don't approve of homosexuality, and a regime
   that benefits homosexuals and suppresses the liberties of those who
   don't approve of homosexuality. Perhaps it's clear that one of the
   options, despite its flaws, is better than the other; as I said, I
   strongly support some parts of the gay rights program and tentatively
   support some others, despite the risks that I identify. But I have to
   acknowledge that my opponents on this do have legitimate reason to
   worry about their liberties.

References

   1. http://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2004/132/21.0.html

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