Posted by Orin Kerr:
Implementing Blakely and Remedies for Structural Rules:

   Today's opinions in [1]United States v. Booker provide an interesting
   example of the problem with judicial remedies for violations of
   structural rules -- rules that require or forbid a particular
   relationship, but cannot compel a particular outcome. We see this most
   often in the context of the Equal Protection clause. The Equal
   Protection clause requires the structural rule of equal treatment; it
   blocks state actors from treating alike groups differently. But the
   Equal Protection clause can't make a legislature treat everyone well.
   A legislature generally is free to respond to a judicial decision
   finding an Equal Protection violation by lowering the bar and treating
   everybody poorly, instead of just one group. A court can impose a
   structural rule of equality, but it can't mandate a specific level of
   protection.
     What does this have to do with Booker? It seems to me that
   implementing Blakely at the federal level raised a similar problem.
   Blakely imposes a structural rule for how legislatures have to do
   sentencing, much like equal protection decisions impose structural
   rules on treating alike groups differently. If a sentencing scheme
   requires the imposition of greater punishments upon finding a set of
   facts, then a defendant has a jury trial right to the finding of those
   facts. Over the long term, this structural rule isn't a guarantee of
   good treatment. Much like equal protection doesn't necessarily mean
   strong protection, Blakely doesn't mean strong Sixth Amendment jury
   trial rights. It just means jury trial rights that follow the
   structural rule of Blakely: If a sentencing scheme requires the
   imposition of greater punishments upon finding a set of facts, then a
   defendant has a jury trial right to the finding of those facts.
     In Booker, the Court had to find the initial starting point for
   implementing the Blakely structural rule. It's important to realize
   that the issue was only the starting point; one way or another, it's
   the legislature that gets to implement the Court's structural rule,
   not the Court. But the various opinions of the Court reflect two basic
   short-term approaches to implementing a structural rule change. One is
   to force the legislature to raise the bar: in effect, to mandate a
   strong level of protection across the board. That was the approach
   favored by Stevens, Scalia, Thomas, and Souter: they would have
   compelled the current sentencing regime to add protections to
   defendants by keeping existing law intact but just adding jury trial
   guarantees to all sentencing enhancements. It's kind of like mandating
   that everyone be treated well in an equal protection case; the goal
   would have been to use the new structural rule to bolster protections.
     Justice Breyer's majority opinion took a very different take: it
   takes the starting point of opting out of the structural rule
   entirely, preserving as much of the status quo as possible. It says,
   in effect, that Congress would have never designed the system it did
   if it had known that the Court would later on impose the Blakely
   structural rule. Given that, the thinking goes, it's pretty unfair to
   impose Blakely's structural rule on the existing system. So rather
   than use Blakely to bolster protections, the Court opted to follow the
   Blakely structural rule by holding that the noncompliant guidelines
   are no longer binding in the first place. Recall the Blakely rule: If
   a sentencing scheme requires the imposition of greater punishments
   upon finding a set of facts, then a defendant has a jury trial right
   to the finding of those facts. Fine, Justice Breyer says: if we're
   going to impose that structural rule, then we can be most true to
   Congressional intent by holding that nothing in the guidelines
   requires the imposition of greater punishment. Ergo, no need to create
   all these new jury trial rights that we don't think Congress would
   have wanted had they been forced to implement Blakely's structural
   rule.
     Many Blakely enthusiasts will find the Breyer opinion unsatisfying.
   Part of that is because his opinion is a good example of Breyerian
   pragmatism; Breyer is trying to minimize the judicially imposed
   revolution by finding a starting point that preserves the status quo
   as much as possible. If you don't like the status quo, you won't like
   what Breyer does. I suspect that is true for many Blakely enthusiasts:
   in my experience, many pro-Blakely people are more interested in
   Blakely as a mechanism to create stronger Sixth Amendment protections
   than as an asbtract structural rule. To them, reading Booker may give
   them the feeling you have when you convince a court that there's an
   equal protection violation, and then find yourself stuck with poor
   treatment all around. While the violation has been cured in a
   technical sense, it doesn't really bring you the end result you had in
   mind.
     On the other hand, the majority's approach seems to me a reasonable
   way to begin to implement a new structural rule. Breyer's opinion
   declines to hold Congress to a bargain it never struck. It implements
   Blakely's structural rule in a minimalist way that in the short term
   tries to preserve as much of the status quo as it can. In the long
   run, implementing Blakely is Congress's problem; Justice Stevens'
   opinion for the Court applying Blakely at the federal level means that
   Congress has its work cut out for it over the long term. But Justice
   Breyer's opinion gives Congress some breathing room in the short term
   before Congress figures out what to do next.

References

   1. http://www.supremecourtus.gov/opinions/04pdf/04-104.pdf

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