Thanks , Cde Thabo , this part of discussion will help a lot of Cde's that 
might be confused at the moment , the ANC have the write protect its property 
from this class of 1996. They never had a proper plan to form this kopa. Its 
simply out of being power hungry by this class.

Lets mobilise and win the elections next year better than before.

by

Sphaka - Dawnpark




________________________________
From: "[EMAIL PROTECTED]" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [email protected]
Cc: [email protected]
Sent: Friday, November 21, 2008 3:25:16 AM
Subject: [YCLSA Discussion] Re: WHY are we so fixated with Congress of the 
People


Cde Masego!

Without necessarily patronising you, I welcome you introduction in your
piece about "What in a name" and also wish to assure you that majority of
us subscribing to this forum will help to better comprehend political
developments both locally and internationally by using historical
reference:

The origin of the congress of the People is best captured in a book
written by Ismail Vadi in titled " CONGRESS OF THE PEOPLE AND THE FREEDOM
CHARTER CAMPAIGN" In this book he comfirms the intellectual ownership of
the name Congress of the people to the ANC by defining it this way;

"The idea of the Congress of the People had been mooted on several
occasions within the ANC, but it was Professor Z. K. Matthews, President
of the ANC, Cape, who officially proposed such an event at the Provincial
Conference of the ANC (Cape) held in Cradock on 15 August 1953. Matthews,
inspired by the UN Declaration of Human Rights, was the first to publicly
suggest die convocation of a national gathering of the people of South
Africa with the objective of drafting a Charter of Freedom.

In reviewing the "political situation" at the Conference, Matthews listed
the numerous racial, discriminatory and repressive laws enacted by the
Nationalist government and declared that the "present state of affairs in
South Africa shows signs of an ever deepening crisis in race relations
between various groups represented here." He pointed out that various
groups, in reaction to the electoral victory of the National Party in me
1953 general election and the growing political crisis, were considering
the idea of a national convention. He motivated that the ANC, as the
premier African political organisation, should seize the initiative and
provide a direct lead in the matter. Matthews asserted:

"I wonder whether the time has not come for the ANC to consider the
question of convening a National Convention, a Congress of the People,
representing all the people of this country irrespective of race or colour
to draw up a Freedom Charter for the democratic South Africa of the
future. Once the principle of the establishment of such a Congress of the
People was accepted, the details of its implementation could be worked out
either by the national executive or by an ad hoc committee with that
special duty".

The matter was duly discussed at the Cradock Conference and the following
resolution was finally adopted:

"That this conference notes with interest the remarks of the president on
the need for the establishment at the instance of the ANC and under its
leadership, of the Congress of the People in South Africa, to draw up a
Freedom Charter or constitution embodying a vision of a future South
Africa, as we in Congress see it.... Such a conference would serve to
unite all the democratic forces in South Africa among all races into a
front against the dangers of fascism; and would enable the ANC to
demonstrate in a practical manner its policy for the solution of the
problems of the country".

Between the Cradock Conference and the Annual Conference of the ANC in
December 1953, it was the National Action Council, which had coordinated
the Defiance Campaign that defined in broad outline the nature of the
campaign for the Congress of the People and the Freedom Charter

Who is delusional here Cde Masego. I have said before that Shikota is
suffering from indentity crisis and pose no threat to the ANC despite our
the current leadership inherited challenges from Cde Thabo Mbeki term.

Yes the Congress of the People and Freedom Charter belongs to the people,
just like MK, ANCYL and ANCWL but all are inttelectual properties of the
ANC.

Unfortunately it was not necessary to register the name, but history is
very friendly to locate this historical events and its product within the
ANC Historical heritage.

How do we then allow dissidents to usurp the ANC historically documented 
heritage for their own selfish end.

Further one of the volunteers during this defiance campaign the late Cde
Frances Baard in his book MY SPIRIT IS NOT BANNED gives the following
testimony of what happened during the congress of the people:

"There were such a lot of things happening at that time, and some very
good things too. In 1955 a very great thing happened. We organised the
Congress of the People at Kliptown. Ooh! What a wonderful thing was there!
All over the country people organised to come to that congress, and all
the groups worked together to organise and make it truly national, so that
everyone was represented there. Everyone was invited to come. Even SACTU
(South African Congress of Trade Unions) sent delegates too, though they
weren't a member of the Congress Alliance yet. SACTU only joined the
Congress Alliance later. At that time it was only the ANC, the Coloured
Congress, the Indian Congress and the Congress of Democrats."

The ANC as part of claiming its historical heritage did not only spearhead
the organisation of this august meeting but it was its own brain child:

In his book The Congress of the people and the freedon charter Ismail Vadi
further testified that "The Campaign for the Congress of the People and
the Freedom Charter, like the organisational changes envisaged in the
ANC's M-Plan, were a specific response to the changing objective reality.
At one level it was spurred on by the intensification of repression and a
"reconceptualisation" of the state. At another it grew out of a
redefinition of strategy by the Congresses. What is significant is that
the Congresses increasingly defined the South African state as a "fascist
state". This did not simply reflect a change of slogan, but a coherent
re-analysis of politic reality"

In his introduction he explain that "The COP campaign was more than just a
campaign for a programmatic document, as has been presented in the
literature on the topic. On the one hand, it symbolised the closing of a
phase in the national liberation struggle. On the other hand, it opened a
new phase revealing a major realignment of political forces in the
resistance movement.

The Congress Alliance that was forged in the course of the COP campaign
emerged as a nationally coordinated, multi­racial (non-racial) movement,
armed with a more sophisticated analysis of the political conjuncture and
a more refined strategy based on the concept of the united front, so as to
advance the struggle for the realisation of the goals enshrined in the
Freedom Charter. In a sense, the campaign was a unique and creative effort
at political and organisational consolidation and building unity among the
different forces for national liberation, viz., the ANC, SAIC SACOD,
SACTU, FSAW and the reconstituted SACP. For the first time, the interests
and weight of these varied forces-notwithstanding the ideological and
organisational differences and variations — were brought together in a
distinctive way."

Cde Masego it was a sharp response to the challenges that confronted the
organisation at the time. Further in his address in his Presidential
address to the Conference of the Cape ANC in 1953 Professor Z. K. Matthews
captured the essence of this process (significantly at the same time that
he mooted the idea of the Congress of the People) when he remarked:

"But we cannot afford to rest on our laurels. One phase of the struggle
has come and gone, but contrary to popular belief in some quarters, the
struggle is by no means at an end. Depending upon surrounding
circumstances, the struggle may assume one form at one period and another
at a different period, but as long as our main objectives have not been
fully achieved, how can there be an end to the struggle?"

In its attempts to tackle the subjective weaknesses of the organisation
the ANC responded with a two-pronged initiative. The first was the
'M-Plan', an organisational design aimed at the development of political
structures and leadership at street level. The second, which is of concern
to this project, viz., the Campaign for the Congress of the People and the
Freedom Charter, which aimed to clarify and codify the long-term
objectives, policies and principles of the Congress forces operative in
the 1950, and, indeed, even presently. This was a unique, creative,
non-reactive campaign to tackle new challenges that emerged out of a
substantially altered objective, political, economic and social reality
and to correct internal inadequacies.

Its distinctive feature, however, was that rather than this process
occurring in the upper echelons of the organisations and 'above the heads
of the masses', like the English Chartist Movement, it attempted to elicit
mass popular participation, revitalise strategic initiative on the part of
the ANC and laid the political foundation for the Congress Alliance.

Now you see Cde Masego there is too much in a name in protection of our
Historical heritage.

This book can be electronically accessed at:
http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/library-resources/online%20books/vadi-ismail/index.htm

Hope I have shed some light on why the ANC is protecting its heritage.

yours Comradely

Thabo Poka Lekhu
Proud and discipline member of the ANC under the humble leadership of Cde
Jacob Zuma and collective.
Thutong Branch (Ward 22)
Motheo Region
Free State Province





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