** High Priority ** Wow! Cde Mlilo I think here you have deliberately taken this inquisitive stance not because you are unable to unpack, indeed the manner in which you've concluded by asking whether it's possible for COSATU to be a leader of the alliance. My careless thinking tells me that we can never be in one stage of a revolution forever and indeed contradictions that seem to be expressing themselves are of a class character as opposed to particularly national, which there leaves me with a question which you deliberately seem to be struggling as who should lead the alliance... You succinctly state that you don't influence an organization without objectives that you want to achieve in the end, my senseless interest is what happens when you have partly maximized your influence? Thembinkosi Josopu Student Admissions & Advocacy Services University of Cape Town Level 3, Kramer Law building Middle Campus Rondebosch,7700 Tel :021-650-2429 Fax:021-650-4014
"A great leader's courage to fulfill his vision comes from passion, not position" >>> Nqobizitha Mlilo M <[email protected]> 2010/03/30 11:14 AM >>> The Tripartite Alliance-going back to basics; who should lead the Alliance? By Nqobizitha Mlilo The Tripartite Alliance! I must admit, am either confused or what I thought I understood, I may not have. I am sure am not alone. Many of those committed to a democratic Zimbabwe I have interacted with always ask about and express fascination about how the Tripartite Alliance works. Even after attempting to explain what I thought I knew and understood, one can see that they still would not get it. The incomparable President OR Tambo was certainly on point that the Tripartite Alliance is a very unique alliance, never seen anywhere, not only on the African continent but in the world. Perhaps it will never be seen anywhere else! I may be bold to state that there are many, who for years have been part of and very active in the Mass Democratic Movement or the Progressive Alliance who posture that they understand the Alliance, and if they are not to be defensive and fanatic, must accept that they are equally unsure, especially about some intricate complexities of an Alliance of ideologically different organizations, organizations which have differing strategic end goals. How does the Alliance work? What is the purpose of the Alliance? What is the direction of the Alliance? Is there a destined end of the Alliance? Who leads the alliance? Or perhaps who should lead the alliance? When should they lead? Why? Prof Ben Turok writing in the African Communist, 1959-2009, 50 Writing Years, issue Number 178, states; “… [t]he congress Alliance was established, led by the ANC and consisting of the Indian Congress, the Coloured People’s Congress, the Congress of Democrats and the SA Congress of Trade Unions. The Party, now called the SACP, was not represented as it was illegal, but the moderate elements in the ANC would not have agreed to its joining the Alliance anyway” Concerning the adoption of the Freedom Charter, Prof Ben Turok further writes; “… [t]he outcome (of the writing and adoption of the Freedom Charter) was received with reservations, especially by some conservative leaders in the African National Congress (ANC), who then had to be persuaded that the document was not “socialist”. These reservations and as “… an article in the New Age, Does the Freedom Charter mean Socialism? (November 17, 1957) stated…” these “… misgivings…” were expressed by some of the most respected leaders of the ANC. >From the foregoing, it is fair to observe that both the moderates and conservatives in the ANC had misgivings about an Alliance involving the CPSA (SACP). The practical workings of the Alliance resultant thereof equally had its tensions and contradictions. In simple terms, the constituting and working of the alliance has never been a walk on red roses, pomp and ceremony buttressed by a 21 gun salute. It has always been fraught with contradictions and contestations. Of course, it has also blossomed and has had its times, days and moments of comfortingly inspiring sunshine. It is submitted that what seemed to thaw the tensions and indeed enable the Alliance to ‘function’, however defined, during the height of the struggle against apartheid, is the outcome of the “… seminal debate in the Executive Committee of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) (as the South African Communist Party (SACP) then was) in 1948.” Although, in the words of Joe Slovo, in his equally seminal paper, The South African Working Class and the National Democratic Revolution, notwithstanding the 1948 decision of the CPSA (SACP) “these discussions and debates (kept) coming back, in one way or the other…,” the debate was settled sufficiently decisively in favour of the view that said the national character and not the class character, was primary to the then struggle against apartheid. It is submitted that once the national character of the struggle was taken as primary, there could hardly be dispute as to who should lead the struggle and therefore the Alliance. The African National Congress (ANC), as its name suggests, national, had the obvious traits and capacity to lead a national struggle. The CPSA (SACP) by its character and definition leads a class struggle. It places much work and emphasis on the class character of a struggle, presumably when the conditions of such struggle have been made more conducive by how far the social conditions of the national character of the struggle have developed. Let there be no misconstruction, the immortal General Secretary of the SACP, Joe Slovo wrote impressively that there will never be such a day when there will be a neat demarcation saying today we are waging a class struggle and those that wage such struggle must stand in this line, while the next or proceeding day we will say those waging a national struggle must stand in the other line. In the words of Joe Slovo, “[t]here is no such thing as 'pure' class struggle and those who seek it can only do so from the isolating comfort of a library arm-chair.” The two will always interlink, but the emphasis is on the form the struggle will take at each stage. It could hardly be doubted or contested that the decision of the CPSA (SACP) in 1948, that the national struggle was primary, was correct and visionary. Same for the position of the ANC at the all important Morogoro Conference wherein the ANC, after intense and passionate debates, for strategic reasons opted not to declare itself a socialist organization. We should therefore be able to observe that contestations, tensions and all that in between in the Alliance are not as a result of this or that personality in the leadership of, and in the organizations in and of the Alliance; they have been there since immediately before the conception of the Alliance. They are in fact inherent. Therefore to argue, as we have seen in main stream media, and indeed some mumblings within the rank and file and indeed leadership of the Mass Democratic Movement that the Alliance is shaky because of the leadership style of President Jacob Zuma is fallacious, if not out right dishonest. What then is the real issue? Lets us go back to the basics. The ANC is a mass based organization. In some cases the ANC is referred to as a broad church. This means that all in society can be members regardless of their class orientation and or position. It is equally said the ANC, notwithstanding its broad membership, is biased towards the poor, and therefore the ANC is a ‘disciplined force of the left.’ What is perhaps not emphasized enough is that in characterizing the ANC as biased towards the poor and therefore a disciplined force of the left, this bias does not come natural. It is not the benevolence of the ANC. It is a direct product of the class contestations within the ANC itself given that it is a broad church. This therefore means, the extent to which the ANC is biased towards the poor is a reflection of class balance of forces in the ANC. Put simply, the more the ANC is pro-poor, the immediate impression is that there is greater influence of the SACP and the Congress of South Africa Trade Unions (COSATU). If we are to follow the logic of the decision of the Executive Committee of the CPSA (SACP) in 1948, it must of necessity mean the influence of the SACP and COSATU on and in the ANC today is a reflection of the extent to which the national character of the struggle has been won, lost or being pursued. If the national struggle as waged during the days of apartheid has not been won, it means it is the national character of the struggle which should be waged, or be it, continue to be waged. This would therefore mean the ANC should continue to lead the Alliance. Talk of reconfiguring the Alliance or making the Alliance the political centre, as expressed both by the SACP and COSATU would be premature. The leadership of the ANC to the alliance would be unquestionable, and as Prof Ben Turok wrote of the 1950s, “… the way (is) clear for the Party (SACP) to align itself without reservations with the ANC…” and accept the leadership of the ANC. The 1948 clarion call of the CPSA (SACP), that “… entryism (is) unacceptable, namely there would be no capture of any organization or committee. Participation of Communists (should always be) in good faith and in conformance with the objectives of the (ANC)…” would remain relevant. Those in the Alliance who are accusing the SACP of wanting to “capture the ANC” therefore genuinely simply do not understand their partners in the Alliance, or if they understand, are simply being dishonest therefore are playing to the gallery. If however, there are such members of the SACP who want to capture the ANC, they need to go back to the basics. On the other hand, if the national character of the struggle has been won, in terms of the tactical perspective adopted by the CPSA (SACP) in 1948, then the class character of the struggle must take center stage. Talk of a reconfigured Alliance would be apt and relevant. The SACP must take over and lead. Even in this context, talk of the Alliance as a political centre would be out of place. It is the SACP that must lead. The submission is therefore that the debates about the Alliance, which in some cases have turned very ugly, may very well be settled if the very Alliance could answer the question as to what stage the struggle in South Africa is today. Is it the national or the class question? Quick to say, as a word of caution, this debate should generally be done soberly and informed only by the collective interest of all South Africans (indeed all Africans on the across the world) and specifically should not be informed any narrow interests of wanting to capture state power as a means for and to private accumulation of wealth. In resolving this debate, and there is no guarantee that there will be without acrimony and causalities, but surely a base for a more functional Alliance at peace with itself and insulated against the fanning of the media would have been established. Frankly and without more, talk of the Alliance as a political centre is a high sounding catch phrase which is impractical and ideologically confused. It is meaningless. For the avoidance of doubt, surely it would be simplistic, dogmatic and uncritical to suggest that a stage of a struggle can always be defined as black or white, X or Y, that is, in absolute definitive terms. One is quite conscious that there could be variations and in-between stages. However, it remains to be answered even within the parameters of variations and in-between stages, whether, on a balance, it is the national struggle or the class struggle. Therefore the stage at which the South African struggle is can surely be answered with sufficient precision to determine how the Alliance sho uld work. Lastly, the question I have always had is; if the SACP and COSATU have swelled the ranks of the ANC as is been called for, what would be the tactical and strategic objectives for doing so? If the idea is to influence the decisions of the ANC to be biased towards the poor, is there a possibility that the ANC will change character and be a socialist, and further on, a communist organization? Is this a “capture of the ANC” by other and creative means? If the answer is affirmative, then what will be role of COSATU and the SACP and indeed the Alliance after such capture? If the answer is negative, then is the suggestion that SACP and COSATU members should swell the ranks of the ANC simply for statistical reasons? Is it possible for COSATU to be the leader of the Alliance? This is where my confusion starts, and perhaps this is where I should end. With communist love from Zimbabwe –always! -- You are subscribed. This footer can help you. Please POST your comments to [email protected] or reply to this message. You can visit the group WEB SITE at http://groups.google.com/group/yclsa-eom-forum for different delivery options, pages, files and membership. To UNSUBSCRIBE, please email [email protected] . You don't have to put anything in the "Subject:" field. You don't have to put anything in the message part. All you have to do is to send an e-mail to this address (repeat): [email protected] . 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