Comrades,

I found this interesting article in COSATU's Media Monitor of the 21st of
June. I apologize if this article has been posted on this forum before. I
think that this is also an example of what Cde. Dominic refers to as false
literature of reactionaries. Besides a dubious interpretation of the
democratic transition the writer imbues Van Zyl Slabbert's views and actions
with normative legitimacy. I suggest that you read it yourselves- I have
highlighted the parts that I find particularly problematic.

Slabbert’s political career cut short at great cost to all SA
RW Johnson, Business Day, 21 June 2010
THE passing of Frederik Van Zyl Slabbert has occasioned many obituaries but
none has really looked at the meaning of his career in historical context.
Allister Sparks, in an interesting piece, talked about Slabbert as one of
the heroic figures of the anti-apartheid epoch — a comparison rather spoilt
by his nomination as another such hero of Richard Goldstone, who hanged 28
black men and sentenced another four to be flogged. This during the period
when Goldstone was trying to curry favour with his apartheid masters. Little
wonder that nowadays his CV omits all mention of his years as an apartheid
judge.
Slabbert does not belong in such company; indeed, his memory is insulted by
the comparison.
Slabbert represented the very best that white SA had to offer: intelligent,
humorous, humane, liberal-minded and deeply concerned for the future of his
country beyond any personal motive.
So his truncated and ultimately unsuccessful political career poses the
question, what went wrong?
The answer is traceable to the meetings with the exiled African National
Congress (ANC) that Slabbert had as Progressive Federal Party (PFP) leader
in the mid-1980s.
Slabbert told the ANC: Look, we’re both anti-apartheid, though we use
different means. I think the armed struggle is both wrong and ineffectual
but, okay, that’s your method. We believe in peaceful political change and
since there’s no doubt that that will have to happen in the end, we ought to
talk to one another.
To which his ANC interlocutor, Thabo Mbeki , replied that the ANC would be
happy to talk but the great obstacle was the fact that he led a white party
in an all-white parliament. It was a matter of principle for the ANC not to
have any relationship with such a party for that might be thought to imply
acceptance of racial separateness and white rule.
What is missing from all the obituaries is the fact that it was this
leverage from Mbeki that caused Slabbert to resign the PFP leadership in
1986.
In effect a deal was done: Slabbert would resign, form the Institute for
Democracy in Africa (Idasa) and he would then be rewarded with public talks
with the ANC — hence the famous Dakar meeting and subsequent meetings
Slabbert organised between South African business and the ANC.
There is no doubt that Slabbert placed enormous store on his relationship
with Mbeki — he was so grateful for his support on one occasion that he
exclaimed: “I would die for that bugger.”
As I know from many conversations with Slabbert, he had high hopes that this
relationship would ultimately lead him to playing a significant role in
making sure the new dispensation would work.
“When the ANC take over”, he told me, “they’re going to need all the help
they can get. And it’s vital for all of us that they succeed because only
that way can the country succeed.” But Slabbert, of course, was just one
more person who had been charmed and deceived by Mbeki: trusting him had
been a fatal error.
Slabbert was not a gullible man. I think the reason he trusted Mbeki was
twofold.
One was that, like so many white South Africans, he had been driven to the
point of desperation by apartheid and he was thus ready — too ready — to
believe in someone who might be a saviour.
The other was that, big-hearted and large- spirited himself, he probably
didn’t allow enough for the fact that other people might not be the same.
As Jan Smuts said, “small men prefer sycophants around them” — and Slabbert
was nobody’s sycophant.
In retrospect, one can see that it was a disastrous error for Slabbert to
give up the PFP leadership, a post which, had he retained it, would have
allowed him to play a key role in the transition, especially since he would
probably have accepted FW de Klerk’s proposal for a joint Democratic
Party-National Party caucus at Codesa, an offer Zach de Beer refused without
informing the Democratic Party caucus.
The notion that the ANC could set preconditions about what Slabbert had to
do before it could talk to him depended, of course, on its possession of the
moral high ground — an idea that now seems merely funny.
Slabbert should really have refused this precondition — in effect, a demand
that he give up his political career.
After all, the ANC was no better: it didn’t allow whites to join until the
Morogoro conference in 1969 and it was perfectly happy to deal with
bantustan politicians or, ultimately, the National Party itself. Both the
PFP’s all-whiteness and the ANC’s all-blackness were equal results of the
same troubled national history.
Sensible men would have accepted that, sat down and talked. By accepting
Mbeki’s precondition, Slabbert had also shown that Mbeki could make even a
liberal leader jump through any hoop of his devising.
It was a fatal admission of weakness which, of course, Mbeki took full
advantage of. Why honour any deal with someone who was willing to sacrifice
his entire political career just for the right to talk to you?
And, of course, the ANC wanted more. Idasa had to lean its way and give jobs
to its friends. “We let all sorts of rats and mice in,” Slabbert once told
me. It was the same at the Open Society Foundation. Slabbert tried to keep
the door to Mbeki ajar long after Mbeki had slammed it shut.
The National Intelligence Service (NIS) visited Slabbert in Oxford just
before FW de Klerk’s 1990 speech to ask his advice.
Whatever you do, he told them, don’t unban the ANC but leave the ban on the
South African Communist Party (SACP). The SACP flourishes in secrecy and
likes it. It’s vital to get them out in the open so they can’t control
things from the shadows.
The NIS was surprised but took his advice. In 1995, Slabbert asked what I
thought if he should join the cabinet, perhaps as foreign minister. I said
that it would be hopeless unless he joined the ANC. It was a price he was
prepared to pay.
Jokingly, I pointed out that Joe Slovo would never tolerate a liberal white
who was smarter than him at the cabinet table: maybe Slabbert would need to
join the SACP. Slabbert said, “No way.”
But that, of course, was the point: Slabbert could never have accepted the
discipline of either the SACP or ANC.
One suspects Mbeki realised that about Slabbert from the start. Slabbert was
always his own man and somewhat larger than life. He also tended to assume
an intellectual equality with whoever he was talking to — and he was, in
fact, far cleverer than Mbeki. From Mbeki’s viewpoint, this was a toxic mix.
One just has to imagine Mbeki trying to put AIDS denialism past Slabbert at
the cabinet table to realise how unworkable it would have been.
But in any case, for Mbeki there were comrades (ie clients) and there were
enemies: there was no room for good-hearted independents in that vision.
Slabbert achieved a lot despite an extremely tough family background and
political circumstances, which were always adverse. He was probably the most
talented South African politician since Smuts. So the tragedy of his
truncated political career was not just his, but all of ours.
On Wed, Jun 23, 2010 at 3:01 PM, morgan phaahla <[email protected]>wrote:

>   I beg your pardon, maqabane! I wrote this in a hurry...
>
> The statement should have read: Therefore to blame new democratic order
> without *reconciling* itself with these complexities is equally myopic and
> foolhardy.
> I trust you will find this in order
>
>  "Sometimes, if you wear suits for too long, it changes your ideology." -
> Joe Slovo
>
> --- On *Wed, 6/23/10, morgan phaahla <[email protected]>* wrote:
>
>
> From: morgan phaahla <[email protected]>
>
> Subject: Re: [YCLSA Discussion] Please comment on this article
> To: [email protected]
> Date: Wednesday, June 23, 2010, 8:21 AM
>
>
>    Comrades,
>
> I was not suprised by the tone of this article and would not draw the name
> of Govan Mbeki in the subject simply because Moeletsi has distinguished
> himself as a renegade and political nonentity.
>
> I hate sounding like someone who trades insults or name-calling to
> establish basis for an argument. However, at times provocation like this can
> lead one to such limits.
>
> Be as it may, if you read Moeletsi's book, Architects of Poverty: Why
> Africa's Capitalism needs Changing, you will draw a parallel between this
> article and the book. For instance, the book does not offer any solutions to
> Africa or alternative economic system except to apportion blame on its
> previous leaders doing wrong under the pretence that colonial capitalism was
> not the root cause of these wrongs.
>
> The same can be said in the article, it's common knowledge that
> Apartheid capitalism was an instrument of destruction in South Africa and
> all models of reconstruction failed to yield desired results due to the
> severity of the mess caused to this country by the Nats. Therefore to blame
> new democratic order without itself with these complexities is
> equally myopic and foolhardy.
>
> As such, I see no need to dignify Moeletsi's malady of mind with a
> response. However, for the benefit of this forum, comrades should post their
> views on the subject matter and challenge this incompetent and inept
> article.
>
> Remain,
> Morgan Phaahla
>
> "Sometimes, if you wear suits for too long, it changes your ideology." -
> Joe Slovo
>
> --- On *Mon, 6/21/10, sabelo gina <[email protected]>* wrote:
>
>
> From: sabelo gina <[email protected]>
> Subject: Re: [YCLSA Discussion] Please comment on this article
> To: [email protected]
> Date: Monday, June 21, 2010, 2:01 PM
>
>  Dear Comrades,
>
> I agree with Dominic that the article was reactionary and opportunistic
> from Mr Mbeki. This is the same Mr Mbeki who has written a book on the
> mining industry in South Africa few months ago.
>
> I am ashamed that Mr Mbeki once worked for COSATU, and yet he says that the
> time is ripe for COSATU to leave the Alliance. I am not surprised when Nqaba
> defends Mr Mbeki and Rossouw because they are raising what Cope tried to do
> and failed to chase COSATU from the ANC with assertions like 'I did not join
> the struggle to be poor", we stayed in the midst of that provocation.
>
> COSATU is committed to an alternative economic system and therefore I do
> not think that its existence is about opportunistically weighting the
> opportunities and timing for forming a political party. We are far ahead of
> the likes of Morgan from Zimbabwe who when he saw the possibility of
> entering parliament tried to form a political party which has not been able
> to carry the aspirations of workers of Zimbabwe even as a prime minister in
> the Zimbabwe government.
>
> We will not leave the alliance, we will help the alliance and the ANC to
> rid itself of people who have forgotten why we fought for freedom in the
> first place.
>
> Regards,
>
> Sabelo
>
>
> On 6/21/10, Dominic Tweedie 
> <[email protected]<http://us.mc502.mail.yahoo.com/mc/[email protected]>>
> wrote:
>>
>>
>>
>> Then please defend the article Cd Nqaba, and not just on the basis of your
>> acquaintance and friendship.
>>
>> The article says: "These companies played a pivotal role in the transition
>> from Afrikaner nationalist rule to African nationalist rule," and there is
>> more in that spirit.
>>
>> This is a return to the falsification of history whereby the big
>> bourgeoisie is held to have been the agent of revolutionary change in South
>> Africa. It leads to the proposal of the big bourgeoisie as a "motive force"
>> and part of the alliance.
>>
>> This is what I am calling reaction.
>>
>>
>>
>> VC
>>
>>
>>
>>
>>
>> On 21 June 2010 15:03, Nqaba Bhanga 
>> <[email protected]<http://us.mc502.mail.yahoo.com/mc/[email protected]>
>> > wrote:
>>
>>> Govan has never Called Moeletsi a Reactionary ,who are you and i know he
>>> is not a reactionary .
>>> I hope we understand the meaning of a reactionary in a Revolutionary
>>> Politics.
>>>
>>>
>>>
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>>
>>
>>
>> --
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>
>
>
> --
> Cedric Sabelo Gina
> NUMSA President
> NUMSA Head Office
> 153 Bree Street
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-- 
Egmont Bouwer
SRC Academic Councillor 2009/10
Rhodes University
+27 71 475 6685

"Sometimes, if you wear suits for too long, it changes your ideology."- Joe
Slovo.

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