3.8 Once a sacrifice, ANC office now about money

STEVEN FRIEDMAN, Business Day, 11 August 2010
 
‘The obvious test for the ANC is not whether it can be honest about
its problem but whether it can fix it’




THE three biggest problems facing the African National Congress (ANC)
may be money, money and money. If there were any doubts that the ANC
is in crisis, its discussion documents published ahead of next month’s
national general council meeting dispel them. They talk of “disturbing
trends” towards “careerism, corruption and opportunism”; they complain
of “divisive leadership battles over access to resources and
patronage” and lament “social distance” between “ANC cadres” in the
government and voters.
How to respond to these ills will be the most important issue the ANC
will discuss at the council. It has moved in a short time from an
organisation that discouraged competition for posts, to one in which
contesting positions seems almost the only thing everyone does. And,
while competition for office in an organisation can, if settled by a
fair test of the will of members, ensure that leaders are more
accountable, the ANC’s contests do little for its members’ health:
competing factions undermine each other, contests are bitter and some
descend into physical fights, losers often claim the winners cheated,
winners sometimes try to expel losers.
Many in the ANC know it cannot go on this way and so it appointed a
team to investigate the problem; it is this inquiry that produced the
documents frankly spelling out the ANC’s woes. The obvious test for
the ANC is not whether it can be honest about its problem but whether
it can fix it. The documents seem unlikely to do that. They want bans
on: fund- raising for candidates, campaign material supporting
candidates, promising incentives to gain support, attacking rivals,
suppressing debate, open lobbying, and using the media to advance
campaigns. They want candidates punished not only if they behave in
any of these ways but if they do not stop their supporters doing so.
The problem is that it will be much easier to get the ANC to vote for
this list than to stick to it. A couple of the proposals may be
opposed because they make the same mistake the ANC made in the past —
trying to stop normal political activity such as campaign posters or
lobbying. But no one will demand the right to buy delegates’ support,
smear opponents or suppress disagreement. Those who do these things
will speak and vote against them at the council while continuing to do
them.
That is not the fault of the team that drafted the documents. Any list
it came up with would be meaningless unless it was backed by a will at
the top of the ANC to implement it — and we don’t test politicians’
will by whether they vote for nice-sounding resolutions. That said,
there is a way in which the council could signal that it is serious
about tackling the problem. It could address the root cause of the
disease — the role of money in politics.
Twenty years ago, ANC office was a sacrifice — today it is a route to
money. The documents note that for some in the ANC, office is their
only way of earning a decent living. For others, it is a route to
personal enrichment and the status that goes with it. Accumulating
money also enables some to spread cash about to win more support,
which in turn gets them more wealth.
In a society with huge inequalities and in which our worth is measured
by how much we have, this may be inevitable. But that does not alter
the reality that it is the relationship between money and politics
that lies at the root of the ANC’s problem — and causes damage well
beyond that: tension between the ANC and the media is fuelled by the
fear that politicians want the law to prevent us knowing where they
get their money and what they do with it. If the ANC wants to begin
fixing its problem, it must signal that it is serious about repairing
the link between political office and money.
The documents do suggest ways of tackling the problem. One, that the
ANC finds ways for members to earn a living from sources other than
politics, seems to be wishful thinking. Another, for an “integrity
committee”, which will “manage the interests of those who hold office
… and investigate any allegations of improper conduct”, is a step
forward but will depend on political will. It hints, however, at a
third proposal that really would make a difference — forcing
politicians and parties to disclose who fund them.
The documents note that the Polokwane conference urged more public
funding for parties (which could make the problem worse). But it notes
also that the same resolution urges rules that force politicians and
parties to say where they get their money. If the ANC acted on this it
would allay fears that it is trying to hide its politicians’ finances.
It would also take a huge step towards solving its internal crisis.
If you want to know whether the ANC is serious about tackling the
biggest problem facing it — and our politics — look at whether it
backs a law forcing parties and politicians to say where they get
their money.

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