Brilliant piece. I have learnt a lot from these piece, the style and sequencing 
and politics. Thanks Cde Buti.

Kind regards,

Cedric Sabelo Gina



On 04 Mar 2011, at 15:46, Dominic Tweedie <[email protected]> wrote:

> 
> <ANCtodayNew.gif>
> 
> 
> Score not cheap political points 
>   
>   
> Buti Manamela, VIEWPOINT, ANC Today, Johannesburg, 4 March 2011
>   
> Two issues ago the ANC Today published an article by ANC Youth League 
> Spokesperson, Comrade Floyd Shivambu which in our view fails to contribute 
> qualitatively towards: (1) the national and internal alliance discourse on 
> questions such as the role and unity of the alliance, (2) the role of the 
> SACP and working class parties in South Africa and the world, (3) the 
> autonomy of the communist youth movement within the revolution, and (4) the 
> national growth path and seizure of economic power. 
>   
> So what?
>   
> After careful reading of Cde Floyd's article, I asked myself: SO WHAT? This 
> is because I had just read a small piece of factional propaganda that is 
> extremely paranoid (such as "lies and conspiracies being spread against youth 
> leadership...at the forefront of the revolution" and extremely 
> anti-communist). This is very unfortunate. 
>   
> Yes, the youth were mobilised to overthrow Hosni Mubarak in Egypt and Ben Ali 
> in Tunisia. So what does this have to do with the so-called neo-liberal 
> nature of the communist party lately or some adventure that Cde Floyd calls a 
> revolution? Yes, the South African Communist Party's (SACP) initial reaction 
> welcomed and fully backed the objectives of GEAR...so what? And what about 
> the SACP's role in relation to GEAR going forward thereafter? Why is that 
> revolutionary role downplayed? What are the intentions of that downplaying? 
>   
> Yes, some youth leaders in their time and prime made an impact in 
> participating in transforming society from oppression, imperialism and 
> anti-capitalism...so what - more so that there are other young leaders who 
> either became a bag of cabbage or were used by leaders such as Hitler under a 
> so-called National Socialism (read fascism, which ultimately inspired 
> organisations such as the AWB). 
>   
> The ANC is the leader of all forces towards the attainment of the main 
> objectives of the National Democratic Revolution...now what does this have to 
> do with the role of young people in Egypt' or any of the fantasies propagated 
> by Cde Floyd? 
>   
> There are also some matters of fact and of ideological inconsistency abused 
> or scorned by Cde Floyd either to claim easy victories and score cheap 
> political points, or to bestow solely the tasks of our current revolution to 
> himself and some within the ANC Youth League in order for them to be in the 
> hall of fame as mentioned in the extract from Cde Malema's Political Report 
> to the last ANC Youth League National General Council. 
>   
> These matters of fact and ideological inconsistency relate to what we mean by 
> autonomy and whether a stratum or a class can drive revolutions. Even the 
> word revolution is itself abused as a single action by the youth in having 
> participated in activities that led to the resignations of Mubarak and Ben 
> Ali in Egypt and Tunisia. 
>   
> Eyes closed
>   
> I raise these points as the main pillars of the article by Cde Floyd because 
> each time he advances a point to justify his factional and anti-communist 
> rhetoric he closes his eyes before the truth, and then proceeds to another 
> dreary pontificating. Let's take each in turn. 
>   
> Firstly, elementary political education teaches us that revolutions happen 
> when the revolutionary class overthrows the ruling class and assumes power. 
> Importantly, revolutions are completed after destructing the old order" 
> including the old state and when "revolutionaries help build a new state (and 
> not just government) that adheres to the emerging social relationships. This 
> is why we characterized ours as a breakthrough and a transition, not 
> necessarily a revolution, and has since been implementing (regardless of 
> disagreements of this or that tactic) the National Democratic Revolution 
> (which is a process and not an event). 
>   
> Without undermining the advances made by young people in Egypt, it is 
> important to point out that the military (very much part of the state that 
> has been and is still in place) they seized power and are in the process of 
> determining the transitional rules (the constitution and election date) as a 
> result of the breakthrough (the forced resignation of Mubarak). This, unlike 
> what happened in our country in the late 80's and early 90's is not an 
> inclusive process but a military-handled process. 
>   
> The millions who filled the Tahir Square are not involved in the negotiations 
> process towards the breakthrough, but the military council which seized power 
> and the Muslim Brotherhood. Egypt is yet to fulfil the basic characteristics 
> of a revolution, let alone Tunisia. This is introduction to political 
> education that I expected Cde Floyd to appreciate since he refers to himself 
> as a revolutionary (and is responsible for political education in the ANCYL). 
>   
> To forget that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history 
> of class struggle" and to fragment the antagonistic classes in terms of age 
> is the neglect of elementary political education. 
>   
> The thrust of Cde Floyd's argument is that "it is the youth in South Africa 
> and everywhere else that are the seed of the revolution" and not the working 
> class or its party. Thus, he commits another negligence of the elementary 
> political education in reducing the Party to the Class, and the ANCYL to the 
> youth (strata). In doing this Cde Floyd conflates many misconceptions. In the 
> first place you can't counter-pose "youth" (a generational category) and 
> "class" as if we have to choose between them. 
>   
> Cde Floyd also refers to militancy. In the second place, militancy and a 
> revolutionary position are not necessarily and universally the same thing. 
> Yes, young people are often in the forefront of militant democratic action 
> (as we have recently seen in Tunisia and Egypt) - but militant action is not 
> necessarily and inherently progressive or revolutionary. Demagogically 
> mobilized youth have been the street-fighters on behalf of emergent fascist 
> regimes in Germany and Italy, and martyrs on behalf of reactionary 
> fundamentalist movements, mouthpieces and militants or youth militia of 
> reactionary forces as partially indicated earlier. 
>   
> Playboy lynched
>   
> Cde Floyd might also want to reflect on the fact that the prime target of 
> popular revenge in Tunisia was a youthful playboy relative of the deposed 
> President Ben Ali. This particular relative was lynched in the course of the 
> uprising, and he was especially unpopular because of the extravagant parties 
> that he threw, flaunting his wealth in a society beset with mass youth 
> unemployment. 
>   
> In the third place, Cde Floyds potted history tells us that revolutions are 
> led by the youth Lenin was young in 1917, Fidel was young in 1959, etc. But 
> Lenin in 1917 did not think of himself as a "youth" per se. His break with 
> the Mensheviks was not based on a generational divide or ageism, but on 
> principled ideological politics. Yes, Fidel was young in 1959. But did he 
> cease being revolutionary as he grew older? 
>   
> What about leaders who were more mature at the time of the revolutionary 
> breakthrough in their countries, say, Ho Chi Minh? And what about those who 
> led us to our 1994 revolutionary breakthrough - Mandela, Tambo, Sisulu, 
> Slovo, Hani and so forth, who never ceased to be revolutionary once they had 
> lived beyond their youth. In fact, when Mandela spoke about, for instance, 
> nationalization as a policy that the ANC should advance, he was more than 
> double the age of Cde Floyd and did not qualify to be called youth. 
>   
> Of course, the youth question in our country and throughout, particularly, 
> the Third World is of paramount importance. The capitalist agrarian 
> revolution in the South is uprooting millions of former peasant households, 
> leading to rapid and squalid urbanization and wage-less proletarianisation. 
> The protracted global capitalist crisis (that dates back to at least the late 
> 1990s) has further impacted on Third World workers and lower-middle strata. 
> Unemployment, and particularly youth unemployment (a massive 74% in Egypt) is 
> at crisis levels and the recent events in the Arab world need to be analyzed 
> contextually and taken into consideration as well. Those bearing the brunt of 
> the crisis are, essentially, working class youth - which is why it is so 
> misguided to counterpose youth and workers. 
>   
> It is also factually wrong to underestimate the critical role played by the 
> employed and unionized working class in both Tunisia and Egypt. In the latter 
> case, for instance, a general strike involving transport and other workers 
> were central to the demise of Mubarak. Of course, we should also not assume 
> that there would always be a spontaneous alliance between youth movements, 
> and trade unions and left-wing parties. The relative defeat of the youth and 
> student uprisings in France, Germany and Italy in 1968 is a case in point. By 
> contrast, successful revolutions (as in Cuba) succeeded in uniting trade 
> unions, the youth and student movements, the peasantry, a national movement 
> and a communist party in a common programme of action. 
>   
> An attempt to rewrite history
>   
> Also, selectively pointing out to the immediate reaction of the SACP towards 
> GEAR as constituting neo-liberalism by the Party and judging its capacity to 
> lead the working class towards a revolution constitute weak intellectual 
> opportunism and an attempt to rewrite history. 
>   
> Cde Floyd deliberately chooses to forget, young as he is and recent as the 
> facts are, that it is the Party that came to characterise the pre-Polokwane 
> internal ANC and Alliance crises as being caused by the 1996 class project. 
> He also selectively forgets that immediately after that statement, the SACP 
> has and still remain committed to opposing the macro-economic paradigm as 
> imposed by GEAR. 
>   
> It was the SACP that introduced the critique of neo-liberalism into our 
> movement in the early 1990s, and from the middle of 1996 it was the SACP that 
> LED a consistent struggle against GEAR. Of course Cde Floyd holds his breath 
> when he is about to tells us about the role of prominent ANC YL leaders who, 
> long after 1996, without exception supported GEAR and maliciously attacked 
> the SACP and COSATU, portraying their anti-neoliberal stance as an "attack on 
> the ANC". 
>   
> The SACP has never regarded these mistakes by the ANCYL leadership as a 
> reason to write off the ANCYL as "inherently neo-liberal". We cannot also say 
> because in the first bilateral meeting between the ANC Youth League and the 
> Young Communist League of South Africa (YCLSA) the former dismissed the 
> latter's campaign for the expropriation of mines and free education as 
> outdated and failed USSR socialism - then the ANCYL is neoliberal. 
>   
> New Growth Path
>   
> The only current issue that Cde Floyd appears to disagree with the SACP on is 
> its "general" support for government's New Growth Path. He is not interested 
> in explaining why the SACP's "general" support for New Growth Path is wrong. 
> He simply throws this and a whole lot of garbled potted history into the 
> fray. 
>   
> As a matter of fact, and not fictitious imagination, the SACP welcomed the 
> tabling of the New Growth Path as marking a paradigm shift and resolved to 
> deal with its details through a thoroughgoing internal process of 
> consultation in order to respond comprehensively to the details. Cde Floyd's 
> engagement is not a critical engagement with any particular perspective 
> emanating from the SACP, or from comrades within the SACP, but an attack on 
> the SACP in general. 
>   
> Indeed in seeking to advance his half-baked anti-communism Cde Floyd begins 
> to write off communist parties all over the place - whether in Venezuela in 
> the present, or in Cuba prior to 1959, or Latin America over the past 
> decades. The SACP and no doubt various other communist parties are not 
> infallible. But the spirit of Cde Floyds piece is not to point out mistakes 
> (real or imagined), but to factionally condemn the Party. 
>   
> Obsessed with factional aggression
>   
> Instead of being obsessed with factional aggression against the SACP, let us 
> focus on a militant programme of action that unites all our youth formations 
> premised on the challenges of unemployment, and especially the crisis levels 
> of youth unemployment in our society. 
>   
> Finally, the youth-wing of the SACP, the YCLSA, remains committed to and is 
> involved in practical programmes that raises the profile of the struggle that 
> young people face. The YCLSA has overtime managed to ensure that some of 
> these struggles are addressed in the immediate or long-term policy 
> interventions are put in place to address them. 
>   
> This year, for instance, the ANC-led government has prioritized jobs creation 
> as central to its programme, targeting in particular youth unemployment. It 
> is the YCLSA that invited more than 80 youth formations last year to discuss 
> and make proposals on both the ideological, structural and socio-economic 
> issues that causes unemployment. The Summit's resolutions characterized this 
> as the crises of capitalism and the neo-liberal paradigm as adopted in the 
> 1996 macro-economic policies. 
>   
> The unity of these youth movement under the banner of the YCLSA has never 
> been seen lately, and we never had to threaten people that we will ‘kick them 
> out of office' or labeled them as this or that if they do not prioritise job 
> creation. We opted to engage in what any ‘revolutionary youth formation' does 
> before making empty violent or electoral threats - we engaged into a militant 
> but yet qualitative debate and persuasion, and thus, we made progress. 
>   
> Our popular demand for free education
>   
> There are many other things - including our popular demand for free 
> education, now becoming a reality (when the then leadership of the ANC YL had 
> dismissed this demand of the YCLSA as an unrealizable, communist pipedream); 
> provision of free sanitary towels; the closure of shebeens next to schools 
> and many others which we managed, the creation of a state bank, we are 
> beginning to see movement in this regard. We can label these as reforms, but 
> so is nationalization of mines, which are qualitative demands of a revolution 
> in the making. And this revolution is through influence, and as Cde Floyd 
> argued elsewhere (heaven knows where), "autonomy is elementary to the 
> successes and extent of influence a youth movement can impact in a 
> revolution" 
>   
> For Cde Floyd to suggest that the YCLSA is "nowhere near being revolutionary, 
> because it is not ideologically and politically autonomous" and to not 
> further substantiate this justifies no further response except this. The 
> YCLSA is a Marxist-Leninist formation of young people and it is the youth 
> wing of the SACP that established it. Its conduct and perspectives are drawn 
> out of a concrete analysis of concrete conditions. In this, both society and 
> history are not static but require appropriate adjustments in accordance with 
> constantly occurring change in the interest, not just of the youth, but 
> "importantly of the working class. 
>   
> We can only assume that for the YCLSA to justify being ideologically 
> steadfast, consistent and fearless" in the eyes of the self-imposed 
> revolutionaries means it has to shout empty slogans in the ears of the 
> leadership of the SACP in order to catch the eager ears of newspaper 
> sub-editors or to be seen to be involved in a sound-bite contest with the 
> leadership of the SACP. 
>   
> This is not the mettle of a revolutionary. Only true action - and not 
> revolutionary sounding phrases not backed by results but by insults. That is 
> not being "fearless or militant" it is merely seeking fame. We are not angels 
> or saints, but so are most of the revolutionaries. 
>   
> Buti Manamela is National Secretary of the Young Communist League of South 
> Africa
>   
>   
> From: http://www.anc.org.za/docs/anctoday/2011/at08.htm#art2
>  
> 
> 
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