The “Patriotic Bourgeoisie” is pure exaggeration of the accomplishments by the motive force!
In setting a tone for this input we underscore a concurrence to the assertion made by Alvin Toffler’s that, the illiterate of the 21st century won’t be people who cannot read or write but will be people who would not be able to learn, unlearn and relearn. Certainly Mr. Toffler has a point in his assertion because people and organizations will have to unlearn some of the old ways and relearn sophisticated and new ways of doing things in order to preserve integrity and relevance at the eyes of those they lead and serve. Language is such one element that constitutes an invaluable tool to communicate messages and ought to be used diligently by organizations in their policy documents. In this input we intend to criticize and submit a view in relation to what we regard as an error in language usage to be found in the discussion document of the ANC entitled: The second transition. Despite clear coherence in content and logical flow of arguments correctly describing the current phase of revolution, its enemies, and its motive forces as well as their immediate tasks; we are submitting that the usage of the word “Patriotic Bourgeoisie” to describe progressive or rather black business is an error in language usage and may be subjected to great distortion either wittingly or unwittingly and thus dissuade working people who constitute the main body of our revolution from our organization’s noble agenda. Let us at the outset clarify why we think that patriotic bourgeoisie constitute one major error in language usage and must be accordingly reviewed, by carefully defining the terms in order to get our language correct. It is our view that the bourgeoisie is a class with two varying sections within it; the first section is constituted by the bourgeoisie of comprador character or simply put, the big bourgeoisie and the second section is constituted by the national bourgeoisie. On one hand the bourgeoisie of comprador character represents a class of a pro-imperialist section within the bourgeoisie that operates as an intermediary of foreign monopoly capital and is a principal social mainstay of neocolonialism. On the other hand the national bourgeoisie is local class of entrepreneurs/businessmen in an economically less developed, subjugated or newly liberated countries who are interested in their country’s independent political and economic development. The ANC correctly outlines what the immediate tasks of the “Patriotic Bourgeoisie” are, and also acknowledges the snail pace towards the achievement of such tasks by this force. Amongst its tasks, the “Patriotic Bourgeoisie” must facilitate industrialization and development of national productive forces, must contribute towards research, innovation and skill development, it must also play a role in regional integration. The ANC acknowledges that this motive has not, despite having attained a democratic country and deracialisation of the economy; resolutely undertaken its task for industrialization and development of national productive forces by any significant counts. Instated the wealth of this section is defined by shareholding in various big corporates, which are subjects of foreign monopoly capital administered on its behalf by the bourgeoisie of comprador character. The facts to this end are correctly illuminated in percentage of black owned companies listed in the Johannesburg stocks exchange. Having conceded to the limitations as above the ANC must, whilst continuing to mobilize and uniting the ‘Patriotic Bourgeoisie”, ensure that it correctly spell the status of this force in the current phase of revolution. It is our view that the ‘Patriotic Bourgeoisie’ is neither the enemy nor constituting the main body of our revolution but remains a weaker section of it and can thus not be in the position to determine its direction or conclusion. The ‘Patriotic Bourgeoisie’ is equally fettered and persecuted by imperialism and bureaucrat – capitalism though to varying extents as the working class which is a rightful determining force of the character and direction of our revolution. In putting some essence into this, the ANC should remember that much as the ‘Patriotic Bourgeoisies’ profits to various extents from general democratic reforms, yet its typical conciliatory tendencies prevents it from implementing them consistently. Though it has some great interest in economic reforms to create local market the ‘Patriotic Bourgeoisie’ does not resolutely eradicate feudalistic institutions of serfdom and working class exploitation for it is afraid to establishing precedent that may jeopardize its future earnings through dividend payouts! It is evident that this section may at anytime capitulate and jump onto the bandwagon of the bourgeoisie of comprador character. The dual social nature of the ‘Patriotic Bourgeoisie’ becomes especially evident once national independence has been won, on one hand it is oppressed by the imperialist monopolies on the on the other, it itself exploits the working people. We have thus far explained what is implied by the ‘Patriotic Bourgeoisie’ which according to us befits a meaning and description of a national bourgeoisie. We now in turn briefly define the bourgeoisie of comprador character or rather the big bourgeoisie. This is a section of the bourgeoisie which as indicated in definitions above, assumes an intermediary role of foreign monopoly capital and is well remunerated for such a managerial responsibility. Not only does it have its greed fed by the foreign monopoly, it too server and owe strong allegiance to imperialist country and countless ties connect it closely with feudal and exploitative force in the country side. Inevitably the big bourgeoisie will itself be highly divided owing to allegiances to different imperialist powers. In clarifying this Mao Tse-Tung stated that once the contradictions amongst imperialist powers grow into sharp antagonism, and only this powers becomes particular object of the revolution, the section in the big bourgeoisie owing allegiance to the other imperialist groups may join the current anti-imperialist front to a certain extent and for a particular period of time. The big bourgeoisie is the most vacillating and politically weak section which in a revolutionary discourse will at most instances be left with three options, first to turn into collaborator to the imperialist power depending on allegiance thereto, second it is apt to join the anti-imperialist camp and third it may elect to become indifferent and yet remain vacillating trying out various option to safeguard its wealth. What is an alternative word to this unsettling ‘Patriotic Bourgeoisie’? In setting the tone to this input, we deliberately omitted to give our own version regarding what truly unsettles our thought in the construction of terminology or naming of this motive force. One might be wondering what we are on about, because the words national bourgeoisie and patriotic bourgeoisie seem to imply one and the same thing and thus should not necessitate any criticism let alone an appeal for review as such words could easily be used interchangeably? In our view it is grossly inappropriate to degenerate this input into some semantics agitation that could easily be solved. Purely stated being patriotic means being devoted and such is measured by will and zeal to serve the course to which one is devoted. We find that the ANC has moved with speed to accord ‘Patriotic Bourgeoisies’ a convenient honor to bear the word ‘patriotic’ in that it does not commensurate the efforts waged by this motive force since the democratization as well as the deracialisation of the country’s economy ! In a country with a gini coefficient of around 0.60 according to the Centre Intelligence Agency; which thus make it one most unequal society, it can never be appropriate to accord a prestigious honor equivalent to patriotism to a motive forces that prioritized shareholding over a prime task of fostering industrialization and development of national productive forces. The ANC pre 1994 has undertaken a clear lens view to characterize the phase of revolution at that time; it correctly defined the motive force and the enemy of the revolution. In relation to the enemy of revolution the ANC characterized it as below. “The liberation movement defined the enemy, on the other hand, as the system of white minority domination with the white community being the beneficiaries and defenders of this system. These in turn were made up of workers, middle strata and capitalists. Monopoly capital was identified as the chief enemy of the NDR. It was also emphasised that apartheid was not in the long-term interest of the white community.” In the document under review ( Second transition), the ANC ask a question in relation to the above phrase whether the enemy could still be characterized as such in the current transition? In no uncertain terms the answer is a resound yes! This we say because the wrath of the socio- economic legacy of apartheid and colonialism is felt now just like ever and that monopoly capital is still holding the economic forces intact to benefit the minority and therefore remains the enemy of our revolution. According to the task of NDR and mobilization of motive forces document of the ANC (2000: Section F), since the early 90’s and accelerating after 1994, the growth of small and expanding black business and capitalist class through some unbundling initiative by white business, through the democratic state’s policies and programmes such as affirmative procurement, licensing agreements, deregulation, restructuring of state assets and through the emergence of union investment companies. In the aforesaid phrase the ANC was describing the motive force it had then called “The Black Business/Capitalist”. It is now about twelve years since the aforesaid observation on the emergence of the black business was made and little has been accomplished by this motive force to fulfill its strategic task, yet it is rewarded with a prestigious prefix of being patriotic and is according called “The Patriotic Bourgeoisie”? It is our view that the ANC must change the term “Patriotic Bourgeoisie” in its current second transition document to the Black Business/ Capitalist or clearly the National Bourgeoisie. This motive force remains relevant in the current phase of our revolution and ought to be united and mobilize. It is never prudent to exaggerate the accomplishments of this motive force by according it rosy and cheerful prefixes when there is no material justification to qualify such. This is our view in making sure that the meaning derived from the documents of the movement escape the possibility of being maneuvered by those with untoward intents based on language technicalities! Amandla List of References 1. Mao Tse- Tung (1948). Selected works of Mao-Tse- Tung 2. National Bourgeoisie. Available on the dictionary for scientific socialism. From http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Scientific+Communism ( Accessed 21 May 2012) 3. ANC Policy Discussion Document Version 7: Second Transition. (2012) 4. ANC National General Council Document : Tasks of the NDR and mobilization of motive forces .(2000) -- You are subscribed. This footer can help you. Please POST your comments to [email protected] or reply to this message. You can visit the group WEB SITE at http://groups.google.com/group/yclsa-eom-forum for different delivery options, pages, files and membership. To UNSUBSCRIBE, please email [email protected] . You don't have to put anything in the "Subject:" field. You don't have to put anything in the message part. All you have to do is to send an e-mail to this address (repeat): [email protected] .
