New Age2.png

 

 

Nkandla findings are flawed

 

Public Protector's findings have no legal foundation

 

 

Krish Naidoo, The New Age, Johannesburg, 28 March 2014

 

THE basis of the Public Protector's findings that the President violated the
Constitution and the Ethics Code and was liable to repay some of the costs
of the Nkandla Project has no legal foundation. 

 

The Public Protector's report is premised on what she claims to be the
overarching constitutional duty of the President to protect state resources.
According to her, the President's failure to discharge this duty constituted
a violation of Paragraph 2 of the Executive Ethics Code (the Code), and
amounted to conduct that is inconsistent with his office as a member of
cabinet, as contemplated by Section 96 of the Constitution. 

 

Section 140 of the South African Constitution

 

The President's failure to protect state resources, according to her, also
constituted the legal basis for the finding that the President and his
family benefitted from the non-security related expenditure and that he is
therefore liable to repay part of the costs. 

 

In support of her findings, her press statement incorrectly cites Section
140 and the Presidential Oath in schedule 2 of the Constitution as imposing
a duty on the President to protect and promote the rights of all people
within the republic. 

 

Neither Section 140 of the Constitution nor the oath contains the words she
quotes. Based on that incorrect citation, the Public Protector made a
finding of unconscionable conduct on the part of the President. 

 

In her press statement the Public Protector said: "Our government is the
potent, the omnipresent teacher. For good or for ill, it teaches people by
example - If the government becomes a law breaker, it breeds contempt for
law, it invites every man to become a law unto himself," without
acknowledging the source. 

 

The quote actually comes from the 1928 US case of Olmstead v U S which deals
with improperly obtained evidence by state agencies in a criminal matter,
and it is quoted out of context. 

 

She provides three further grounds to support her findings; that the
President was wearing two hats - that of the ultimate guardian of the
resources of the people of South Africa, and that of being a beneficiary of
state resources, but failed to discharge his responsibilities in terms of
the latter; that the President should have asked questions regarding the
scale, cost and affordability of the Nkandla Project; and that the President
failed to act on a newspaper article in 2009 relating to the cost of the
project. 

 

Her report conveys the view that the President - as the ultimate guardian
and beneficiary of public power and state resources - failed to discharge
his constitutional duty arising from her version of Section 140 to protect
state resources, and he failed to question the costs of the Nkandla Project.


 

Section 140 of our Constitution deals with the executive decisions of
premiers. 

 

In fact, there is no provision in our Constitution which imposes a
constitutional duty on the President to protect state resources. All three
of her findings fall to be set aside because the constitution does not
impose a legal duty on the President to protect state resources. 

 

Executive Ethics Code

 

Section 2 of the Code expressly provides that it must include provisions
requiring cabinet ministers, including the President, to meet obligations
imposed on them by law. The Code requires wilful conduct on the part of a
wrongdoer before action and sanction can follow. 

 

Consequently, if the President did not have a constitutional duty to protect
state resources, it follows that he did not fail to discharge any obligation
imposed by law as required by the Code or the Constitution and did not
violate the Code. 

 

It also follows that if the finding of "unconscionable conduct", which was
premised directly on the President's failure to protect state resources,
falls to be set aside, then any inquiry into the President's conduct
contemplated by section 96 of the Constitution becomes irrelevant because
the President did not violate the Code. 

 

Cabinet Protocol of 2003

 

Another issue to be considered is whether the President had a legal duty to
question the costs of the Nkandla Project. The answer to this will also
determine whether the President was obliged to repay any costs. 

 

The Cabinet Protocol of 2003 (the Protocol) provides for a security
assessment to be made by the SAPS and the National Intelligence Agency.
Thereafter, the Department of Public Works costs and executes the project.
The purpose of the Protocol is to safeguard the President, Deputy President
and former Presidents and Deputy Presidents at their private residences. It
is a public interest determined by cabinet, paid for with public funds and
executed by government agencies. It is obvious that the implementation of
the Protocol will yield incidental private benefits for the recipient. 

 

Morality is subjective

 

In her interpretation of the 2003 Protocol, the Public Protector defers to
the current fiscal climate and the need to balance the competing wants of
South Africa as a developing state and underpins the Protocol with the
element of affordability. The affordability concern may lie within the
Public Protector's interpretation of morality, but was not a consideration
or pre-condition imposed by the Protocol itself. 

 

The Public Protector makes reference to an article in the Mail and Guardian,
which opined in December 2009 that the cost of the project was R65m.
According to her, the newspaper article should have triggered a duty on the
part of the President to act. 

 

If one assumes that the President read the article, the next inquiry would
be whether the President had a moral duty, or legal duty, to act. The
President's constitutional duty to protect state resources has been dealt
with above. The opinions expressed in a newspaper article cannot be said to
legitimately fall within the legal framework that would give rise to a legal
duty on the part of the President to act. 

 

That leaves open the moral duty. Morality is subjective. Even if one assumes
that the President had a moral duty to act and failed to do so, would that
be a basis to find that the President acted unconscionably or unethically in
terms of the legal requirement of the Code?   To answer this question, one
would have to straddle the interplay between legality and morality. Whatever
the finding, it would have no basis in law. 

 

Section 7(1) of the Public Protector Act

 

The Public Protector seems to have overlooked her own statutory
responsibility set out in section 7(1) of the Public Protector Act on the
presumption that she also read the article in the Mail & Guardian in 2009 to
initiate an investigation to stop maladministration. 

 

The entire process of upgrading the security at the private residence of the
President was within the control of the Department of Public Works. 

 

After the project was completed, it transpired that non-security related
items - a kraal, chicken run, visitors' centre, amphitheatre, swimming pool
and extensive paving were built with public funds and were not part of the
security upgrade. The accountable party throughout was the Department of
Public Works and not the President. 

 

The finding that the President is liable to pay because he tacitly accepted
the non-security related items and benefitted financially cannot constitute
a basis in law to make him liable. The Public Protector made this finding on
the grounds that the non-security related items cannot conscionably be
accepted as security measures. 

 

In the absence of any legal basis, the Public Protector had no option but to
fall back on morality. 

 

Her findings are fatally flawed. In effect, what the Public Protector has
done is to impose an overarching but non-existent constitutional duty on the
President to protect state resources, and then proceed to shoot down her
proposition to support the findings. 

 

The lesson going forward is that the exercise of a public function for the
public benefit should be done in a clinical manner and within a defined
legal framework, and should not succumb to the temptation of automatically
translating moral reprehension into illegality. 

 

.        Krish Naidoo is a practising attorney

 

 

 

-- 
-- 
You are subscribed. This footer can help you.
Please POST your comments to [email protected] or reply to this 
message.
You can visit the group WEB SITE at 
http://groups.google.com/group/yclsa-eom-forum for different delivery options, 
pages, files and membership.
To UNSUBSCRIBE, please email [email protected] . You 
don't have to put anything in the "Subject:" field. You don't have to put 
anything in the message part. All you have to do is to send an e-mail to this 
address (repeat): [email protected] .

--- 
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"YCLSA Discussion Forum" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email 
to [email protected].
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.

<<image001.jpg>>

Reply via email to