Vice-President of Venezuela Cde Aristóbulo Istúriz arrives in SA today.
Tomorrow at 17h00 he will take part in a public seminar at the Johannesburg
Metro Centre.
The article below by Professor Chris Gilbert describes the present
Venezuelan conjuncture, or crisis.
A short article dated 7 May and quoting Cde Istúriz can be read in Spanish
at:
http://equilibrioinformativo.com/2016/05/ist-riz-sobre-refer-ndum-los-tiempo
s-no-les-dan-ni-le-van-a/
A good translation of that article, anyone, please?
  _____  


 

 


 

MRzine.gif

 

 

Venezuela adrift?

 

Strike at the Helm



 

Chris Gilbert, MRZine, 6 May 2016

 

In a cabinet meeting in October 2012, months before his death, Hugo Chávez
declared that the Bolivarian process needed to make a radical change of
course, literally calling for a
<http://monthlyreview.org/commentary/strike-at-the-helm/> "golpe de timón"
or "strike at the helm."  From that moment forward the slogan "golpe de
timón" began to circulate in the most varied contexts in Venezuela, with
some people lobbying for the government to take a new direction and others
speculating about how the swerve might actually be to the right rather than
the left!  Some organisations and groups adopted Chávez's slogan for their
political programs and propaganda. 

 

Above all, people have wondered during the last three years why President
Nicolás Maduro has not made the change of course that Chávez ordered (this
question is implicit in  <http://www.aporrea.org/actualidad/a222900.html> a
recent article by Luis Britto García).  Given the wide play that the phrase
"strike at the helm" has had, it is all the more important to determine
whether this metaphor - taken from a navigational register - really has
anything to do with Venezuelan reality.

 

Of course, the idea of the "ship of state" has a long history, with its
origins dating back as far as ancient Greece.  Tracing the full genealogy of
this trope could be the subject of a valuable philological investigation.
However, for a political process like the Venezuelan one which aspires to
socialism, there is a historical reference that is much more immediately
relevant.  This is a
<https://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1901/may/04.htm> brief text
from 1901 in which Lenin criticizes the group Rabocheye Dyelo ("workers'
cause") for proposing a "historic turn" - an idea which is almost exactly
equivalent to the "strike at the helm" slogan in the Chavist discourse.  

 

The Rabocheye Dyelo group argued in favour of making rapid swerves in the
revolutionary movement, backing up its argument with Wilhelm Liebknecht's
words about tactics: "If circumstances change within twenty-four hours, then
it is necessary to change tactics in twenty-four hours."

 

How did Lenin respond to Rabocheye Dyelo's version of the "strike at the
helm" idea? 

 

Lenin rejected the proposal, insisting instead on the importance of a
different kind of work. 

 

Strategy and Tactics

 

"The immediate task," his article explained, "is to call for the formation
of a revolutionary organisation capable of uniting all forces and guiding
the movement in actual practice and not in name alone."  

 

In effect, Lenin argued for the need to establish an organisation with a
helm or a steering mechanism as a precondition for making a "strike at the
helm" or "historic turn."  Needless to say, Lenin also sought to highlight
the difference between the realm of tactics, where there can indeed be rapid
changes, and that of strategy, which must be more stable.

 

Lenin's text is extraordinarily relevant to the Venezuelan context.  The
metaphor of making a "strike at the helm" is a mainstay of the Chavist left
wing's discourse, but few take the time to ask if the Bolivarian movement
really is a craft that has a rudder or wheel.  

 

In fact, Chavism is not a boat with a rudder - or any other effective
steering mechanism - but much more like a raft or barge: it is a
heterogeneous and amorphous movement that, if not totally adrift, does
indeed float on the tides and currents of the world economy and is always at
the mercy of changing correlations of forces between social classes inside
the movement.  

 

Chávez himself recognised this problem in the years 2006 and 2007 and he
tried to correct it by forming a revolutionary party . . . but without much
success.  When re-baptised as "PSUV-United Socialist Party of Venezuela,"
the Chavist movement did not overcome its raft-like character: the new
organisation is capable of carrying out electoral tasks but it is too loose
and unstructured to qualify as a steerable boat.

 

Therefore, the task of making an actually steerable organisation - one
endowed with a helm - remains in force.  If a leader with Chávez's
extraordinary ability failed to change course where he saw a problem
emerging, one can hardly be surprised that Nicolás Maduro cannot do so
either (assuming he actually wants to).  In recent months, the government
has taken steps to further liberalise the economy and has opened the Orinoco
Oil Belt to massive international "participation."

 

These are terrible, drastic measures, and they would amount to treason if
there were another option.  But is it possible to imagine that the Chavist
raft could really take a different tack?  Could our loose movement do
something other than float with the rising and falling of the world economy,
buoying up during bonanzas and then drifting in times of crisis?  

 

The truth is that a rudderless boat has very few options beyond cycling
between populism in good times and neoliberal belt-tightening in times of
global crisis: the phase of the global economy will determine which option
is applied.

 

Organise

 

To counteract this logic, the Chavist left wing needs to organise itself.
Without insisting on every detail of Leninist party-building, it is clear
that a revolutionary organisation must have at least internal democracy and
the ability to enforce a political line.  

 

Of course it is not simply a matter of closing ranks with Nicolás Maduro, as
some would think: whether Maduro remains the head of the Chavist movement is
something that can be decided along the way. 

 

There is a savvy Argentinian slogan - "We will advance to victory with our
leaders at the head or with the heads of our leaders!" - that we should make
our own.

 

The upshot of this for the Chavist left is that all of our railing against
the government's pacts with the bourgeoisie and our ever more strident
urging to choose a revolutionary path as against a reformist one are simply
a waste of time if they are not accompanied by a process of building a
steerable movement.  They are merely based on the fantasy that "someone,
somewhere" is manning the helm.  Actually, right now, there is no helm; it
must be built!

 

 

•    Chris Gilbert is professor of political science in the Universidad
Bolivariana de Venezuela.

 

 

From:  <http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2016/gilbert060516.html>
http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/2016/gilbert060516.html

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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