http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnist1.asp?main_variable=Columnist&file_name=prasad%2Fprasad102.txt&writer=prasad
 
By Chandrabhan Prasad

Caste republics hurt
 
 
H D Deve Gowda has served both as Karnataka Chief Minister and Prime Minister. 
But he chose Hasan over Gulbarga to contest elections. Is it because Hasan has 
a sizeable Vokkaliga presence - around 35 per cent - and Gowda belongs to this 
caste?
 
 
Also, why does his politics centre around southern Karnataka? Is it because 
southern Karnataka is dominated by Vokkaligas and Lingayats form a majority in 
the northern part of the State.
 
 
Let's talk about a north Indian leader. Chaudhary Charan Singh has served both 
as UP Chief Minister and Prime Minister. He chose Bagpat over Azamgarh and his 
influence was centred around western up? Is it because Bagpat/ western UP is a 
Jat-dominated land?
 
 
Turn to west India. Sharad Pawar has served as Maharashtra Chief Minister. A 
potential Prime Ministerial candidate, he contests only from Baramati. His 
brand of politics works only in western Maharashtra? Is it because Baramati has 
a high concentration of Maratha voters.
 
 
In the East, S Jaipal Reddy contests from Miryalgudu, and Renuka Chaudhary from 
Khamam? Is it because Miryalgudu is a Reddy land, and Khamam a Kamma land?
 
 
I K Gujral has lived in Delhi all his life. But when he became Prime Minister, 
he chose Jalandhar to enter Lok Sabha. Is it because Jalandhar has 59 per cent 
non-Sikh Punjabi population? Why should Dharmendra contest from Bikaner, a Jat 
stronghold.
 
 
Barring a few exceptions, most politicians contest from constituencies where 
their caste members are in majority. Most local parties are 'regional' more in 
terms of caste-demography and less in geography. This means that parties depend 
more on caste than ideology to garner votes. Four decades back, these 
caste-republics were non-existent, at best, invisible. Atal Bihari Vajpayee won 
from a Muslim-dominated Balrampur in 1957 and 1967. It may not be possible now. 
He is more popular than in 1957. 
 
 
Raj Narayan's 1977 victory over Indira Gandhi, a Bhumihar, seems unthinkable 
today. Her descendants can hardly think of filing papers from Rai Bareli where 
Bhumihars are non-existent. But why are these caste republics becoming 
increasing violent?
 
 
Till August 15, 1947, it were the dwijas, led by Brahmans, who had ruled India 
and controlled assets and institutions. Their decline began as soon as the 
zamindari system was abolished. The situation reached became critical when On 
August 7, 1990, the V P Singh announced that his Government would implement the 
recommendations of the Mandal Commission. The caste republics had got political 
sanctity.
 
 
Power slipped out of the dwijas' hands and went to a bunch of castes. For 
instance, Kapus in Andhra Pradesh or Lodhs in UP are similarly placed in 
hierarchy and have similar occupations, but they can hardly relate to each 
other.
 
 
In UP, Lodhs are 2.2 per cent and Jats 1.6 percent of the population. In 
constituencies like Hamirpur or Farrukhabad, Lodhs constitute 12 per cent. This 
region is a Lodh republic. Jats constitute 18.0 per cent in Mathura or 14.0 per 
cent in Bagpat. Kapus may be insignificant at the state level, but may be as 
high as 16.0 per cent in Rajamundry.
 
 
In each State, there may be as many as half a dozen castes with areas of 
dominance. To them, India is a booty which must be plundered. 
 
 
To that end, the State power must be captured, but, given their local existence 
and numerical weaknesses, they cannot capture power through traditional 
democratic methods. 
 
 
The rivalry develops into a gang-war, with violence as a necessary ingredient. 
Situations arise when cast republics form cartels, and rally behind two bigger 
republics. Kamma or Reddy become rallying point in Andhra Pradesh and 
Vokkaliggas and Lingayats in Karnataka. The pattern follows all over India. 
 
 
Localised in nature, and agriculturists in profession, these castes can't be 
loyal to a nation and give respect to democratic governance. The Constitution 
must conform to the value systems of caste republics, and not vice versa.
 
 
Violence becomes a tool to protect their territories. Things achievable through 
non-violent methods are achieved by violent methods. 
 
 
The gang wars of the caste republics is hurting India the most, making 
electoral process a mockery. 





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