http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Cities/Caste_calculations/rssarticleshow/2128499.cms

Caste calculations
16 Jun, 2007 l 2313 hrs ISTlTIMES NEWS NETWORK

Running eateries which can dish out the best benne dose (butter dosa),
staking India's place in the IT sector globally, running the most
classy airliner, promoting the banking sector or fashioning government
policies. Brahmins have been pioneers and often in the driver's seat.

But when it comes to politics, Karnataka is not a Uttar Pradesh (UP)
where they were wooed assiduously during the elections as chief
minister Mayawati did recently. Brahmins in Karnataka are a minuscule
minority 3% compared to their UP counterparts 10%, which prompted
Mayawati to conjure up the BDM (Brahmins-Dalits-Muslims) formula. Of
the total 403 assembly seats in UP, she gave 86 tickets of the 139
reserved for upper caste to Brahmins in the April-May elections.

Compare this with the BDM caste scenario in Karnataka and the
combinations that emerge are of a Lingayat- Vokkaliga- Backward
Classes- Minorities- Scheduled Castes/Tribes in variations of
dominance but unlikely of the Brahmins.Karnataka had two Brahmin CMs —
R Gundu Rao (1980-83) and Ramakrishna Hegde (1983-88) — who got the
post not because of their caste, but their charisma. In Rao's case, it
was his proximity to former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Hegde was
a dark horse who emerged out of political exigencies.

For one Bangalore South parliamentary seat or Ankola assembly
constituency in Uttara Kannada tagged for getting only Brahmin
candidates elected, there are several constituencies where other
castes are the deciding factor for a Brahmin nominee's victory.

Classic examples are of former legislative assembly speaker Ramesh
Kumar (Srinivasapur in Kolar), former minister R V Deshpande (Haliyal
in Uttara Kannada) and Congress MLA Dinesh Gundu Rao (Gandhinangar in
Bangalore city).

In contrast, Bangalore South Lok Sabha seat has been electing a
Brahmin MP except in 1991 when it was won by K Venkatagiri Gowda
(BJP). One of BJP's sure-shot seats in Karnataka, even when it lost,
it went to another Brahmin — Gundu Rao.

They were the landed gentry until the '70s but land reforms propelled
them into the education sector. These reforms, introduced on March 1,
1974,where the tiller became the owner of the land was actually a
blessing in disguise. After losing their land, the Brahmins had no
choice but to turn to education, according to Deshpande.

When this happened, banking and business, politics got relegated to
the background. "While giving tickets during elections, if a Brahmin
has to be accommodated, the question asked is, 'How many votes can
he/she mobilise?"' Deshpande said.

Defending parties' apprehensions of their winnability factor, Ramesh
Kumar said: "Democracy is a game of numbers. But Brahmins have got
more than what they deserved in Karnataka. I don't think any political
party can think of applying the UP strategy (BDM) in Karnataka. At
best, they can take a leaf out of it." Some time ago, former deputy CM
Siddaramaiah came up with the Ahinda (Kannada acronym for backward
classes, minorities and dalits) combination.

It is unlikely a Brahmin politician will flaunt his caste tag. Ramesh
Kumar studiously avoids identifying with his caste. During the
Chamundeshwari assembly bypoll, he declined to campaign in the Brahmin
pockets when asked by the Congress leadership.

Dinesh Gundu Rao says, "As an individual, I am casteless. But as a
person who represents a community, I want to help because I am in a
position to do so."

Even as political parties slot castes by their numerical strength, the
Brahmins here take pride for having succeeded in other fields. A case
in point is engineer K N Vasudev Adiga, president of Bangalore
Hoteliers' Association. Denied a US visa in 1993, he opted to follow
his father and started the Adiga chain of eating joints.


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