Will we go to war over Taiwan?

  By Robert Aysen
  The Age |August 21, 2004
 
http://www.theage.com.au/articles/2004/08/20/1092972745279.html?from=storylhs&oneclick=true

(Robert Ayson is a fellow of the strategic and defence studies centre
at the ANU.)
  
Australia may not want to go to war with China, but it could get
dragged in by the US, writes Robert Ayson.

Alexander Downer left for North Asia this week overselling Australia's
potential influence in the diplomatic game over North Korea's nuclear
weapons program. Any slim chance he might have had of making a
significant impact on Pyongyang's policy would not have been helped by
the breathtaking claim that Sydney was within reach of North Korea's
missiles.

But the prospects for an Australian-initiated breakthrough with the
region's rogue state were not that good anyway. Kim Jong-il's regime
has been dragging its feet on multinational talks as it awaits the
November presidential elections in the United States and the chances
of a new American administration to hoodwink.

While the hype before the trip suggested that the North Korean issue
was the main game, the Foreign Minister's statements in Beijing show
that the real issue is Australia's relationship with a re-emerging
China. Downer's comments on the limited prospects of Australian
assistance to the US in the event of a Chinese attack on Taiwan are
among the most significant words uttered by the Howard Government on
foreign policy.
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Particularly noteworthy is what Downer said about the relevance (or
irrelevance) of the ANZUS Treaty for Australia's policy in the event
of a serious China-Taiwan crisis.

He suggested ANZUS only generates obligations for Australia and the US
should either country be attacked. Hence, should Taiwan be attacked by
China and should America also get drawn into the fray, Australia would
not be obliged under ANZUS to consult with its leading ally and,
potentially, come to its assistance.

But ANZUS can be read in different ways, as the US State Department's
reaction shows. The treaty indicates that ANZUS comes into play when
the armed forces of either side are attacked in the "Pacific area", a
part of the world that would seem to include Taiwan.

It needs to be remembered that Australia and New Zealand sought ANZUS
out of fears that Japan might remilitarise. The treaty also
represented American appreciation for Anzac assistance in the Korean War.

With this North Asian context in mind, any letter of the ANZUS law
does not necessarily excuse Australia from engagement in a
China-Taiwan crisis involving the US.

Even more significant was Downer's acknowledgement that ANZUS should
be treated as "symbolic". That this is the case can be seen in the
only time that the treaty has been invoked - not by the world's
leading power to come to the aid of its Australian ally but by the
Howard Government to support US action in Afghanistan in response to
the September 11 terrorist attacks on US soil. Australia's commitment
in Afghanistan could have - and would have - been made with or without
ANZUS. But the invocation of the 50-year-old treaty was a nice
(symbolic) touch.

Downer's liberal rather than literal treatment of the treaty may not
give Australia all the wriggle room it wants. Australia's alliance
with the US, and the moral (if not legal) obligations that accompany
it, go far beyond ANZUS. The Bush Administration has even implied that
the free trade agreement is part of the alliance.

Washington is unlikely to rely solely on the bargaining power from the
words of the treaty in seeking and expecting Australia's support in a
Taiwan Straits crisis. Indeed, the Howard Government's heavy emphasis
on its loyalty to the world's sole superpower may have helped generate
such broader non-legal obligations.

All of this means that for Canberra much still depends on how
Washington responds to any major cross-straits challenge. Early on,
the Bush Administration indicated strong support for Taiwan, but more
recently Chen Shui-bian's Government has been warned by its most
important friend that it cannot expect support should it be
responsible for provoking a Chinese reaction. This is a tune that
Canberra likes.

But can we expect the big challenge in the strait to be this clear
cut? Isn't it more likely to be a case where the blame is shared
between China and Taiwan, and that the US feels unable to abandon one
of the region's most democratic countries? And if the US gets dragged
in, it is bound to want Australia's assistance.

Downer's stance certainly reminds Taiwan that any support it may have
anticipated is, at the very least, highly conditional on its own
responsible behaviour.

The implication that Taiwan is seen as most likely to rock the boat is
music to Beijing's ears. The Australian Foreign Minister's important
words may reduce the chances of Australian involvement in at least
certain circumstances. But as crises are by their nature often
unpredictable, Downer's comments are unlikely to remove those chances
entirely.










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