Not Made in West

  BY ROBBIE ROBERTSON
  Khaleej Times | 16 April 2005
http://www.khaleejtimes.com/DisplayArticle.asp?xfile=data/opinion/2005/April/opinion_April28.xml&section=opinion&col=

THE question-what is the most serious threat to our contemporary
wellbeing, � might evoke the answer: "Globalisation." Globalisation,
many of us believe, is a powerful juggernaut of transnational forces
intent on devouring the world for profit, and destroying local
cultures and environments in the process. However, from the
perspective of history, things look different.

First, although globalisation is often viewed as the consequence of
new technologies and changing political priorities after the Cold War,
it is in fact a much older force for change.

A historical view of globalisation, stressing the common heritage of
humanity, enables us to contextualise changes such as
industrialisation without assigning superiority to the West. The
result is a much more inclusive interpretation of globalisation.

Second, a historical interpretation enables us to treat globalisation
as a process facilitating the most radical transformation of societies
that humans have ever experienced: a transformation called
democratisation.

Globalisation, then, is not about rampant capitalism, technology or
homogenisation. It is about the changed environments people create and
manipulate as their societies globally interconnect, environments that
have become increasingly commercialized, urbanised, and democratised.

Humans first experienced this transformative effect 1000 years ago,
when the most advanced society of the time fuelled continental
interconnectedness. China's trade surpluses fed a network of regional
linkages that stretched across the world's most populous continent.

But the momentum did not last. China succumbed to Mongolian warlords
and much of Afro-Eurasia fell victim to the plague they carried across
the continent. Like HIV/Aids and Sars today, the plague was an early
indicator that interconnectedness possesses real dangers. In the 14th
century, China lost one-quarter of its population and Europe, one-third.

The resulting disruption encouraged European states to connect
directly with China. In the process, they discovered the Americas,
using its wealth to buy their way into the intra-Asian trade and
establish a new Atlantic economy. Thus, human interconnectedness
became globalised, and a whole new environment for human activities
emerged.

Today, the history of this early transformation is usually read in
terms of civilisations and economic activity: Because Europeans
initiated global networks, many observers stress European
exceptionalism as its cause; because of the tremendous growth in
commercial activities, many also give centrality to capitalism.

But the transformation was much more extensive and destabilising than
these interpretations suggest. It accelerated the global distribution
of plants and animals, transformed human diets, spawned rapid
population growth, and stressed environments as land-use patterns
changed and urbanisation increased.

Authorities everywhere struggled to accommodate these unprecedented
changes. Spain's rulers tried to convert their newfound wealth into
the basis for hegemony within Europe, but in the end, power flowed to
societies that gave space to wealth-generating merchants. This
democratising consequence of globalisation challenged the interests of
elites. They sought stability through exclusions of religion and race,
as well as imperial and commercial monopolies. Frequently, they turned
to war and conquest � outcomes that reduced global interconnectivity.
Most elites little understood the transformations they confronted.

Industrialisation is a case in point, normally portrayed as an example
of British exceptionalism, or of Europe's "enlightenment." Rarely is
it presented as an outcome of global production and trade in cotton
and the expanding consumer markets globalisation occasioned. Many
analysts give centrality to technology in stimulating change. Yet
human interconnectedness alone enabled industrialisation to resonate
so rapidly and globally.

However, there can be no doubting the impact of what became a second
wave of globalisation. Industrialisation enabled environments to carry
larger populations, which in turn generated new social and political
dynamics. More than ever before, technology generated huge profits,
which made it desirable as an economic activity. Certainly the
military power it generated attracted the attention of states.

Yet most leaders still failed to grasp that security and well-being
came from social empowerment, not conquest. With competition
increasingly drawn in Darwinian terms, they were prepared to go to
war, as they did in World War I, in order to retain hegemonic status
at home and abroad.

Economic collapse quickly generated a brutal depression. The resulting
inward-looking economic policies simply reinforced the drive to empire
and conquest that had already exacted a high price. During the 1930s
and 1940s, they provoked a second round of bloodletting.

>From World War II, a very different third wave of globalisation
emerged. The demise of many former ruling classes created the
democratic space for political stability in industrialised nations and
for international cooperation.

It also enabled the dissolution of empires. Thus decolonisation, too,
was a product of globalisation. But decolonisation could not guarantee
meaningful participation in the new global environment for the
emergent Third World. Consequently, a democratic global divide emerged
that still holds the potential to destabilise human interconnectedness.

In addition, the third wave began with a new global ideological
division, an unprecedented arms race, and a destructive
Soviet-American rivalry. However, as the Cold War ended, corporate
transnationalism assumed centre-stage.

When postwar prosperity faltered in the 1970s, corporations exploited
fears of recession to deregulate domestic economies and transform
global regulatory systems to their advantage. As capital became more
transnational, it harnessed a new generation of technological change
to fashion global production networks. But it was not the only global
force to survive the Cold War.

Postwar democratisation had sent shockwaves of empowerment through
industrialised societies. They reached deep into societies to
transform working and domestic lives, family and social relationships,
gender and race relations. They created wealthier, more educated, and
longer-living populations able to connect with industry in new and
innovative ways. Civil societies represented the symbiosis between
economic growth and democratisation.

Such transformations demonstrate the dynamic character of the third
wave of globalisation. Human interconnectivity has always expanded the
environments in which humans operate. But, as we have seen, it also
generates challenges.

Three challenges stand out: first, the challenge of extending and
deepening democratisation globally. Increases in inequalities,
exacerbated by war and debt, have lost the third wave of globalisation
much of its legitimacy.

Second, there exists the environmental challenge of addressing issues
of sustainability globally. Just as democracy cannot survive in a sea
of poverty, so it cannot survive in an environmentally damaged and
disease-ridden world.

The third challenge is multicultural. We need to adjust to the
diversity that globalisation presents. With human migration greater
and more rapid than at any time in the past, all forms of exclusivity
risk instability.

All three challenges represent divides that could cripple
globalisation and its human dynamic. Only democratisation broadens the
scope for wealth generation and capacity-building, and creates the
skills needed to manage increasingly complex societies.

 Robbie Robertson is Professor of Development Studies at the
University of the South Pacific, Fiji. This paper is derived from his
book, The Three Waves of Globalisation: A History of a Developing
Global Consciousness, Zed Books, 2003.








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