The End of Europe

  By Robert J. Samuelson
  Washingtonpost.com |June 15, 2005 
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/06/14/AR2005061401340.html?sub==new

  Europe as we know it is slowly going out of business. Since French and Dutch 
voters rejected the proposed constitution of the European Union, we've heard 
countless theories as to why: the unreality of trying to forge 25 E.U. 
countries into a United States of Europe; fear of ceding excessive power to 
Brussels, the E.U. capital; and an irrational backlash against globalization. 
Whatever their truth, these theories miss a larger reality: Unless Europe 
reverses two trends -- low birthrates and meager economic growth -- it faces a 
bleak future of rising domestic discontent and falling global power. Actually, 
that future has already arrived.
 
 Ever since 1498, after Vasco da Gama rounded the Cape of Good Hope and opened 
trade to the Far East, Europe has shaped global history, for good and ill. It 
settled North and South America, invented modern science, led the Industrial 
Revolution, oversaw the slave trade, created huge colonial empires, and 
unleashed the world's two most destructive wars. This pivotal Europe is now 
vanishing -- and not merely because it's overshadowed by Asia and the United 
States.
 
 It's hard to be a great power if your population is shriveling. Europe's 
birthrates have dropped well below the replacement rate of 2.1 children for 
each woman of childbearing age. For Western Europe as a whole, the rate is 1.5. 
It's 1.4 in Germany and 1.3 in Italy. In a century -- if these rates continue 
-- there won't be many Germans in Germany or Italians in Italy. Even assuming 
some increase in birthrates and continued immigration, Western Europe's 
population grows dramatically grayer, projects the U.S. Census Bureau. Now 
about one-sixth of the population is 65 and older. By 2030 that would be 
one-fourth, and by 2050 almost one-third.
 
 No one knows how well modern economies will perform with so many elderly 
people, heavily dependent on government benefits (read: higher taxes). But 
Europe's economy is already faltering. In the 1970s annual growth for the 12 
countries now using the euro averaged almost 3 percent; from 2001 to 2004 the 
annual average was 1.2 percent. In 1974 those countries had unemployment of 2.4 
percent; in 2004 the rate was 8.9 percent.
 
 Wherever they look, Western Europeans feel their way of life threatened. One 
solution to low birthrates is higher immigration. But many Europeans don't like 
the immigrants they have -- often Muslim from North Africa -- and don't want 
more. One way to revive economic growth would be to reduce social benefits, 
taxes and regulations. But that would imperil Europe's "social model," which 
supposedly blends capitalism's efficiency and socialism's compassion.
 
 Consider some contrasts with the United States, as reported by the 
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. With high unemployment 
benefits, almost half of Western Europe's jobless have been out of work a year 
or more; the U.S. figure is about 12 percent. Or take early retirement. In 2003 
about 60 percent of Americans ages 55 to 64 had jobs. The comparable figures 
for France, Italy and Germany were 37 percent, 30 percent and 39 percent. The 
truth is that Europeans like early retirement, high jobless benefits and long 
vacations.
 
 The trouble is that so much benevolence requires a strong economy, while the 
sources of all this benevolence -- high taxes, stiff regulations -- weaken the 
economy. With aging populations, the contradictions will only thicken. Indeed, 
some scholarly research suggests that high old-age benefits partly explain low 
birthrates. With the state paying for old age, who needs children as 
caregivers? High taxes may also deter young couples from assuming the added 
costs of children.
 
 You can raise two objections to this sort of analysis. First, other countries 
are also aging and face problems similar to Europe's. True. But the aging is 
more pronounced in Europe and a few other nations (Japan, for instance), 
precisely because birthrates are so low. The U.S. birthrate, for example, is 
2.1; even removing births to Hispanic Americans, it's about 1.9, reports 
Nicholas Eberstadt of the American Enterprise Institute. Second, Europeans 
could do something about their predicament. Also, true -- they could, but 
they're not.
 
 A few countries (Britain, Ireland, the Netherlands) have acted, and there are 
differences between Eastern and Western Europe. But in general Europe is 
immobilized by its problems. This is the classic dilemma of democracy: Too many 
people benefit from the status quo to change it; but the status quo isn't 
sustainable. Even modest efforts in France and Germany to curb social benefits 
have triggered backlashes. Many Europeans -- maybe most -- live in a state of 
delusion. Believing things should continue as before, they see almost any 
change as menacing. In reality, the new E.U. constitution wasn't radical; 
neither adoption nor rejection would much alter everyday life. But it 
symbolized change and thereby became a lightning rod for many sources of 
discontent (over immigration in Holland, poor economic growth in France).
 
 All this is bad for Europe -- and the United States. A weak European economy 
is one reason that the world economy is shaky and so dependent on American 
growth. Preoccupied with divisions at home, Europe is history's has-been. It 
isn't a strong American ally, not simply because it disagrees with some U.S. 
policies but also because it doesn't want to make the commitments required of a 
strong ally. Unwilling to address their genuine problems, Europeans become more 
reflexively critical of America. This gives the impression that they're active 
on the world stage, even as they're quietly acquiescing in their own decline.
 
 




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