A Study In Contrast

  By K.P.S. GILL
  Outlook Magazine | July 11, 2005
http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname= 050711&fname==kps&sid==1&pn==1

There can be no comparison between the magnitude and
impact of the coordinated July 7 terrorist attacks in
London and the failed fidayeen operation in Ayodhya on
July 5, but it is useful to look at the political and
media responses to these two incidents, which offer an
edifying study in contrast. ...

An analysis of the post-incident non-enforcement
responses in the two situations demonstrates, in
general, that the broad Indian response was to
exploit; the British response was to enable.

There can be little to complain about in the reactions
of the first responders in both cases. There has been
some nonsensical talk of a 'security lapse' in the
Ayodhya attack, but it must be clear that the
terrorist operation was, in fact, an utter failure.
Only the outer cordon was breached - always a
possibility, since the element of surprise is on the
side of the terrorists - but the terrorists failed to
penetrate their target, and all were killed.

Not every terrorist attack is a 'security lapse', and
the excellent response of the security forces in
neutralising the terrorists was laudable. In London,
while the multiple explosions could not be prevented -
soft targets like public mass transport systems are
and will remain vulnerable, irrespective of the degree
of precautions taken - the post-incident emergency
services response was excellent, and relief was
quickly provided in an extraordinarily ordered manner,
despite the suspension of critical public transport
services induced by the terror attacks.

It is important to notice, also, that people in
general behaved well. There was no panic, public
disorder or obstructive behaviour either in Ayodhya or
in the London street. It is, in fact, at the
leadership level and in the mass media that the most
deplorable examples of irresponsibility and failure
were noticed in India, contrasting dramatically with
the institutional responses in the UK.

It is, however, fortunate that there were some TV
cameramen present on the spot at Ayodhya, and they
were able to give a blow by blow account of the
incident virtually as it occurred. This prevented
possible distortions which particular sections of the
media and Human Rights groups have tended to project.
In almost every encounter between the security forces
and terrorists - even in the highly visible attack on
Parliament - there have been demands for 'independent
inquiries', and other strategies adopted by terrorist
front and Human Rights organisations to project a
distorted picture of the forces. In this we must be
grateful for the almost ubiquitous electronic media
presence all over the country.

At another level, however, the media, particularly TV
channels, must be faulted for their sensationalist
reportage and the amount of time and prominence they
chose to give to Hindu extremist organisations to
project negative and communally oriented propaganda
and unconstrained vituperation. The choice of who they
put on air displayed total irresponsibility, and it is
notable that this continued long after the incident
reports, into the coverage of the orchestrated
demonstrations and bandhs opportunistically called for
by the BJP and other right wing Hindu organisations.

Tight shots of small groups, ordinarily no more than a
few dozen people engaged in sloganeering and
occasional acts of public disruption, were repeatedly
projected by TV channels to create a false impression
of mass protests and 'public anger' over the Ayodhya
attacks. The truth is, these bandhs were manifest
flops and the public remained icily indifferent to the
efforts to whip up Hindu sentiments.

It is not the case that radical nationalist and
far-right Christian groups do not exist in Britain,
but no media organisation saw it fit to rush to these
mischief-makers to elicit anti-Muslim invectives.
Rather, they sought out sane voices - including those
among the Muslim leadership in Britain - to strengthen
the public perception and recognition of a secular and
diverse society standing firm and united in a moment
of national crisis.

Information chains in India also leave much to be
desired. The government and its multiple agencies
speak in many and often conflicting voices, but no
authoritative source of information is ever
established - whether it be in the Ayodhya case, or in
many past cases involving mass casualties, where the
flow of information has critical bearing on public
confidence and the containment of personal distress
among victims and their families. 'Leaks' connected to
the identity of the terrorists, their route into the
country, their modus operandi, their linkages,
continuously find their way into the reportage, and
the public domain is awash with speculation and
rumour.

Meanwhile, every political leader, minister and senior
enforcement official seeks to exploit as many 'photo
ops' as possible, even where they have nothing to say,
adding confusion to an already messy situation. We
thus have heads of police organisations addressing
press conferences without even confirming the correct
time of the incident; ministers and political leaders
giving gratuitous 'clean chits' to Pakistan or blame
specific terrorist organisations long before the
perpetrators have been conclusively identified; and
everyone generally saying whatever comes into their
heads at the specific moment when a camera or a
microphone is thrust into their faces.

In the British case, on the other hand, specific
chains of authoritative information were immediately
established; officials and ministers coordinated
information and spoke only when they had authentic
facts, figures or policy perspectives to communicate.
The objective there was not personal projection, or,
indeed, to mislead, suppress information or underplay
the enormity of the attacks, but to quell rumour and
provide information that had been properly verified.

This effort was supported even further by the balanced
and mature statements made by political leaders across
the spectrum, all of whom were unambiguous in their
condemnation of terrorism, no one spoke of 'root
causes' and 'historical grievances', or sought to
blame the Government for inviting the tragedy by its
policies or for 'security lapses', or, in any other
way, attempted to milk the incidents for partisan
political capital. Indeed, the many statements by
various political leaders were strong and unambiguous
both in their condemnation of the terrorists and the
unconditional support they offered the Government to
deal with the crisis.

In India, regrettably, the exact opposite has been the
case, and every single entity had an axe to grind. The
media sought to create baseless political
controversies over the incident, and political leaders
appeared to be eager to feed this process. A person no
less than a former Home Minister and Deputy Prime
Minister called for a bandh, and one of the reasons
cited was that the National Security Guard (NSG) had
been sent to Akshardham when the temple there had been
attacked, but the Centre had not sent the elite force
to Ayodhya.

Nothing could be more utterly nonsensical - the
Ayodhya incident had been efficiently handled by the
local force long before any Central force could have
reached the site. Indeed, even the Akshardham crisis
would have been over hours before the arrival of the
NSG, had the local forces not been specifically
instructed not to terminate the operation before the
arrival of the commandos from Delhi. Scoring debating
points in the wake of a terrorist incident
demonstrates a tremendous lack of maturity. Such
political and media responses feed tensions between
the communities, and can only directly and immediately
further the objectives of the terrorists and their sponsors.




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