Global vision for Trinidad and Tobago


  By Kirk Meighoo 
  Trinidad Express | July 10th 2005
  http://www.trinidadexpress.com/index.pl/article_opinion?id=88327712
        

Despite the pronouncements at the close of the Heads of Government
meeting last week, there is still much that needs to be sorted out
with regard to Caricom, Venezuela, the United States, and Trinidad and
Tobago's place among them.

Though the PetroCaribe proposal highlighted these problems, we must
understand this is merely symptomatic.The real challenge is properly
situating our place in the region, hemisphere, and the world,
economically, culturally, and politically.

The international arena-and its attendant organisations and
negotiations -is extremely complex. Politically, there are organs such
as the OAS, Caricom (with the OECS, Bahamas, and the LDC-MDC split as
importantchallenges), ACS, EU-LAC, and UN. Economically, there are the
WTO, FTAA, EU-CariforumEPA, and the hemispheric trading arrangements
such as CAFTA, Mercosur, SAFTA, and Venezuela's proposed ALBA.

There are the changing geo-politics: the rise of anti-Americanism in
Latin America (most importantly for us in Venezuela), the United
States' "war on terror", the rise of China and Brazil, the changing
nature of the global energy industry, among other issues.

It can be quite confusing.However, the complexity could be
significantly reduced if we had a proper vision of our place in the
world:yesterday, today,and in a future of our own imagining.
International complexities would become superficial, merely several
paths leading to a common end.

Trinidad and Tobago needs to make its economic, political, and
cultural presence felt in the world to a much greater degree than at
present. Our country is economically the most important member of
Caricom, the most important Caribbean state in the Eastern Caribbean,
the most important centre of Indian culture in the Western Hemisphere,
and one of the most important countries that can culturally bridge the
Eastern and Western hemispheres. We must see ourselves at the centre
of a globally-important emerging civilisation, having a distinctive
role and responsibility. The Caribbean is truly a global-historical
crossroads of Europe, Africa, and Asia in the Americas, which provides
tremendous diplomatic and economic opportunities, which should be
developed over this century.

We have the potential to provide a distinctive model of human
civilisation to the world, and our foreign policy should be focused on
helping us make a positive contribution to global society. We must
reject characterising ourselves as the United States' "Third
Border"and see that the US is in our backyard. That is the only way an
autonomous people can view the world.

>From this angle, we must consider the future of our energy industry.
While we have made great strides, both the local and global industries
have reached critical points. Let us take stock. Trinidad and Tobago
has less than 0.1 per cent of the world's proven oil reserves and
accounts for 0.2 per cent of global oil production. Even in the
natural gas market, where we are much more significant, we account for
only 0.4 per cent of global gas reserves, although we possess 4.9 per
cent of gas reserves in the Americas. Venezuela, however, has about 6
times the amount of proven gas reserves that we have. Globally, we
account for 0.9 per cent of the world's marketed production of natural
gas, and 2.8 per cent of that production in the Americas.

All this is to say is that a global vision for our energy industry
must be based on our organisational smarts, our innovation, and our
strategising, not on volumes and production levels. Thus, our interest
in PetroCaribe, for instance, must include opportunities for global
expansion of Petrotrin and NGC / NEC, so that they become Forbes
Global 2000 companies.

This angle, too, causes us to shift emphasis from the global
initiatives for free trade, toward Caribbean production. What sense
does free trade makeif we do not produce goods and services that are
tradable?

Indeed, we must develop our own "colonial" policy, that is, an
explicitly defined and organised relationship with our permanent
settlements overseas in London, Toronto, New York, and Miami, in
particular. Theunderutilised overseas network of roti shops,
nightclubs, Carnival organisations, West Indian groceries, small
businesses, and High Commissions can promote economic expansion and
intelligence gathering for social, cultural, economic, political
developments.

Further, this vision demands a full and open debate on Caribbean
integration, taking into account the concerns of Indians in
particular, who perhaps provide one of the greatest sources of
legitimate resistance to the idea. What then becomes important is
determining the means by which such integration is to occur, and what
does "integration" mean precisely: economically, politically, and
culturally?

This will help us with a a clear, relevant policy on the "war on
terror", which takes into accountboth Trinidad and Tobago's Muslim
heritage and our close alliance with the United States. It would seem
logical for us to support the development of a multi-polar global
order, in which the Caribbean will play a distinctive part.This would
suggest that if we support the UN,then we should provide military
troops for UN missions, as does Fiji, for example. We need to be
serious in such matters.

With such a clearly enunciated vision, we would have a basis to
position ourselves between Venezuela, the Caribbean, and the US,
without getting into diplomatic embarrassments of the kind in which we
found ourselves last week. But it will take a different kind of
political leadership, and indeed a different kind of politics, to move
up to that level from our present overwhelming focus on politics as
local power struggle.







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