No Left Turn 

By ÁLVARO VARGAS LLOSA, New York Times, December 27, 2005

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/27/opinion/27llosa.html?th&emc=th
 
IN 1781, an Aymara Indian, Tupac Katari, led an uprising against 
Spanish rule in Bolivia and lay siege to La Paz. He was captured and 
killed by having his limbs tied to four horses that pulled in 
opposite directions. Before dying, he prophesied, "I will come back 
as millions." To judge by the overwhelming victory of Evo Morales, 
an Aymara, in Bolivia's elections on Dec. 18, he kept his promise.
Mr. Morales's election has been interpreted as confirmation that 
South America is moving left. Mr. Morales does not hide his 
admiration for Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez, and his proposals 
include the nationalization of the oil industry, the redistribution 
of some privately owned estates and the decriminalization of coca 
plantations in the Chapare region. He opposes the Free Trade Area of 
the Americas and blasts "neoliberalism."
It would be a mistake, however, to think that Mr. Morales will 
become another Hugo Chávez even if that is his wish. The new 
Bolivian president will not have the resources that Venezuela 
commands and his popular base is shakier. Moreover, Brazil has an 
important presence in Bolivia and will be in a position to exercise 
a moderating influence.
Unlike Venezuela, where skyrocketing oil prices brought Mr. Chávez a 
windfall that allowed him to build a strong social network based on 
patronage, Bolivia has little revenue. The only reason its fiscal 
account is not showing a $1 billion deficit is foreign aid, mainly 
from the United States. Because Mr. Morales's followers toppled the 
two previous presidents and forced the authorities to impose heavy 
royalties on multinational companies exploiting natural gas, foreign 
investment has dried up: only $84 million worth of investment came 
into the country this year. 
And the possibility of suddenly turning Bolivia's natural gas 
reserves (potentially a whopping 52 trillion cubic feet) into an 
exporting bonanza has been precluded by the cancellation of a 
project that sought to export natural gas to Mexico and California 
through Chilean ports. (Bolivia and Chile have been at odds since 
the late 19th century, when Bolivia lost its access to the sea to 
Chile in the War of the Pacific.)
Bolivia's indigenous population, which wants results quickly, may 
also hold Mr. Morales in check. His party, Movement Toward 
Socialism, is a loose amalgam of competing social groups. If Mr. 
Morales tries to concentrate power, he will need a sturdy, permanent 
base of support that is by no means guaranteed. Furthermore, the 
residents of many provinces, especially in the east, are agitating 
for local autonomy and have warned that they will resist attempts to 
centralize even more power in La Paz. 
Bolivia has had left-wing governments before that were toppled by 
the same people who made them possible. President Carlos Mesa, who 
replaced Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada in 2003 after violent 
demonstrations, had the support of the population when he reneged on 
natural gas contracts with foreign investors and led a virulent 
campaign against Chile. Yet the masses still turned against him, 
forcing his resignation in June. 
Finally, Brazil's pragmatic president, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, 
could also constrain Mr. Morales's ambitions. Brazil is now 
effectively Bolivia's only foreign investor, and its role is likely 
to grow even more crucial, because Mr. Morales promises to 
nationalize the subsoil and keep the high royalties on oil and 
natural gas exploitation that have kept out investors from other 
countries. Bolivia therefore will need Petrobras, the Brazilian 
energy giant, to expand its investments. Mr. da Silva has not been 
able to rein in Mr. Chávez, but he will have leverage over the more 
vulnerable Mr. Morales.
Of course, whether Mr. Morales will draw closer to Mr. Chávez will 
in part depend on American policy toward Bolivia. And that, in turn, 
will depend on whether Mr. Morales decriminalizes coca growing. If 
he does so, the United States should not overreact, because nothing 
much will change. Even with the restrictions that are in place now, 
there are already as many plantations in Chapare as the demand for 
coca - and Bolivia's capacity to make cocaine from it - warrant. In 
any case, cocaine production and distribution will still be banned 
in Bolivia, Mr. Morales says. If Washington were to respond to coca 
decriminalization by hindering Bolivia's exports of clothing and 
jewelry to the United States, tens of thousands of families in El 
Alto, one of Mr. Morales's indigenous power bases, would lose their 
source of income, and anti-American sentiment would pull Mr. Morales 
leftward.
Thomas Shannon, assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere 
affairs, recently told me that the United States aims to eliminate 
its remaining protectionist measures (which hamper some South 
American economies by restricting United States imports of their 
goods). Few Latin Americans have heard about this endeavor. If the 
goal is to promote development and foster good relations across the 
hemisphere, eliminating protectionist policies will be far more 
effective than making coca plantations the paramount issue in 
Bolivia-United States relations. Fractious politics and ethnic 
tensions already make for a delicate situation in the Andes. Let's 
not make it worse. 
Álvaro Vargas Llosa, the director of the Center on Global Prosperity 
at the Independent Institute, is the author of "Liberty for Latin 
America."









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