Strategic interests and political lobbies

Hamid Ansari, The Hindu, March 29, 2006


http://www.hindu.com/2006/03/29/stories/2006032904851100.htm


INSTITUTIONAL DISCLAIMER on individual expression of views is 
normal; to go beyond it is not. For this to happen at Harvard 
University invokes curiosity, more so when the individual happens to 
be one of its own professors of some eminence co-authoring a study 
with another academic of repute from Chicago University. 

What was the provocation? The devil seems to reside in the subject. 
The alleged sin of the two professors emanates from their co-
authorship of a study made public this month entitled The Israel 
Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy. Published in the Faculty Research 
Working Paper Series of the John F. Kennedy School of Government of 
Harvard, it runs into 83 pages with 211 footnotes. Its cover page 
carries the logo of the University as well as of the School. 

According to Israeli press reports, Harvard has decided to remove 
its logo and "has appended a more strongly worded disclaimer to the 
study stating that it reflects the views of its authors only." The 
same reports quote another professor of the School as saying that 
the study "fails to meet minimal academic standards." 

The reaction stems from an assertion in the study that the thrust of 
U.S. policy in West Asia is due almost entirely to its domestic 
politics, and especially to the activities of the "Israel lobby" 
that has managed to divert policy from American national 
interest "while simultaneously convincing Americans that U.S. and 
Israeli interests are essentially identical." 

The study defines the lobby as a loose coalition of individuals and 
organisations who actively work to steer U.S. foreign policy in a 
pro-Israel direction. The individuals involved are not exclusively 
Jewish; in fact, surveys show that 36 per cent of American Jews are 
either "not very" or "not at all" attached to Israel; many of them 
also oppose the extremist policies of the Likud. At the same time, 
many Christian evangelists as well as right-wing politicians are 
supportive of the lobby. 

The principal organisations involved are the American-Israeli Public 
Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and the Conference of Presidents of Major 
Jewish Organisations. "A key pillar of the lobby's effectiveness is 
its influence in the Congress, where Israel is virtually immune from 
criticism." Here, and in the executive branch, the focus of work is 
to control the debate on Israel and channel it in the desired 
direction. The AIPAC, rated among the two most powerful lobby groups 
in Washington, is credited with a capacity "to reward legislators 
and congressional candidates who support its agenda, and punish 
those who challenge it." Much of this is done through campaign 
contributions, supplemented by newspaper editorials and letter-
writing drives. Many well-known think tanks, dependent on 
endowments, toe the line in their "academic" pursuits. 

"The bottom line is that AIPAC, a de facto agent of a foreign 
government, has a stranglehold on Congress, with the result that 
U.S. policy towards Israel is not debated there even though that 
policy has important consequences for the entire world." The annual 
function of the AIPAC is attended by all politicians of consequence 
and the occasion is used for important policy pronouncements even 
when, as on the eve of the 2005 dinner dedicated to the theme 
of "Israel: An American Value," two AIPAC officials were charged by 
the FBI with carrying out espionage on behalf of Israel. Nor has the 
notorious Pollard case been forgotten. 

The lobby pays particular attention to academics and universities 
through its "Campus Watch" programme and uses the instrument of anti-
semitism against those who are critical of Israel or of U.S. policy 
towards Israel. 

Iraq debacle 


The conclusions of the study are specific. Given the Iraq 
debacle, "there are ample grounds for U.S. leaders to distance 
themselves from the lobby and adopt a Middle East policy more 
consistent with broader U.S. interests. In particular, using 
American power to achieve a just peace between Israel and the 
Palestinians would help advance the broader goals of fighting 
extremism and promoting democracy." 

In terms of current policy, on the other hand, America "has become 
the de facto enabler of Israeli expansion in the occupied 
territories." Furthermore, the lobby's campaign for regime change in 
Iran and Syria could lead to attacks on these countries "with 
potentially disastrous effects." Its campaign "to squelch debate 
about Israel is unhealthy for democracy" and has even been bad for 
Israel since it has encouraged an extremist-expansionist agenda to 
forego opportunities for peace and save Israeli lives. 

"What is needed, therefore, is a candid discussion of the Lobby's 
influence and a more open debate about U.S. interests in this vital 
region. Israel's well-being is one of those interests, but not its 
continued occupation of the West Bank or its broader regional 
agenda. Open debate will expose the limits of the strategic and 
moral case for one-sided U.S. support and could move the United 
States to a position more consistent with its own national interest, 
with the interests of the other states in the region, and with 
Israel's long-term interests as well." 

Away from the controversy about academic freedom, an Israeli comment 
has defined the bottom line in the debate: "Defending the occupation 
has done to the American pro-Israel community what living as an 
occupier has done to Israel — muddied both its moral compass and its 
rational self-interest compass." 

Abba Eban had put it differently in 1994: Israel cannot live 
peacefully outside the international order that mocks the 
pretensions of unilateral power.











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