If we understood Ireland, we may not have invaded Iraq 

George Monbiot | The Hindu | June 08, 2006

http://www.hindu.com/2006/06/08/stories/2006060804351300.htm


THAT THEY have not seen his film is no impediment. That it has won 
the Palme d'Or at Cannes only quickens their desire for reprisals. 
Ken Loach is having his fingernails pulled out by the media. 

In The Times, critic Tim Luckhurst compares him — unfavourably — to 
Leni Riefenstahl. His new film is a "poisonously anti-British 
corruption of the history of the war of Irish independence ... The 
Wind That Shakes the Barley is not just wrong. It infantilises its 
subject matter and reawakens ancient feuds." I checked with the 
production company. The film has not yet been released. They can 
find no record that Mr. Luckhurst has attended a screening. 

Simon Heffer, writing in The Daily Telegraph, admits he does not 
know what he is talking about. Ken Loach, he says, "hates this 
country, yet leeches off it, using public funds to make his 
repulsive films. And no, I haven't seen it, any more than I need to 
read Mein Kampf to know what a louse Hitler was." The Sun says 
it's "a brutally anti-British film ... designed to drag the 
reputation of our nation through the mud." Ruth Dudley Edwards in 
The Daily Mail pronounced it "old-fashioned propaganda" and "a 
melange of half-truths." She has not seen the film either. Nor, it 
seems, has Michael Gove, who told his readers in The Times that it 
helps to "legitimise the actions of gangsters." 

Are these people claiming that events of the kind Ken Loach portrays 
did not happen? Reprisals by members of the Royal Irish Constabulary 
and the Auxiliary division have been documented by historians of all 
political stripes. During the period the film covers (1920-21), 
policemen visited homes in places such as Thurles, Cork, 
Upperchurch, and Galway and shot or bayoneted their unarmed 
inhabitants. Nor does any historian deny that they fired into crowds 
or threw grenades or beat people up in the streets or set fire to 
homes and businesses in Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Bantry, Kilmallock, 
Balbriggan, Miltown Malbay, Lahinch, Ennistymon, Trim, and other 
towns. Nor can the fact that the constabulary tortured and killed 
some of its prisoners be seriously disputed. 

It is also clear that some of these attacks were sanctioned by 
senior officers and politicians. In June 1920, in the presence of 
the commander of the Royal Irish Constabulary, the force's 
divisional commissioner in Munster (Colonel G.B. Smyth) told his 
men: "You may make mistakes occasionally and innocent people may be 
shot but that cannot be helped ... The more you shoot, the better I 
will like you, and I assure you no policeman will get in trouble for 
shooting any man." He advised that "when civilians are seen 
approaching, shout `Hands up!' Should the order be not immediately 
obeyed, shoot and shoot with effect. If the persons approaching 
carry their hands in their pockets, or are in any way suspicious 
looking, shoot them down." Sir Henry Wilson, the director of 
operations in the War Office, complained that he had warned his 
Minister — Winston Churchill — that "indiscriminate reprisals will 
play the devil in Ireland, but he won't listen or agree." There was 
even a policy of "official reprisals": the homes of people who lived 
close to the scene of an ambush and had failed to warn the 
authorities could be legally destroyed. 

Ken Loach's hero, Damien, as many Irishmen were, is radicalised by a 
raid by the Black and Tans, who were members of the constabulary 
recruited from outside Ireland. As the film shows, they were 
responsible for much of the police brutality. The historian Robert 
Kee, who is a fierce critic of the IRA, remarks that while the 
police were at first slow to retaliate, their vengeance — exercised 
against innocent people — "further consolidated national feeling in 
Ireland. It made the Irish people feel more and more in sympathy 
with fighting men of their own." The fighter Edward MacLysaght 
recorded that "what probably drove a peacefully inclined man like 
myself into rebellion was the British attitude towards us: the 
assumption that the whole lot of us were a pack of murdering corner 
boys." 

Not one-sided 


There is no question that the IRA also killed ruthlessly — not just 
police and soldiers but also people they deemed to be informers and 
collaborators. But Ken Loach shows this too. (I have seen the film.) 
The media hate him because he admits that the people who committed 
these acts were not evil automata, but human beings capable of 
grief, anger, love, and pity. So too, of course, were the British 
forces, whose humanity is always emphasised by the newspapers. Ken 
Loach's crime is to have told the other side of the story. 

The other side — whether it concerns Ireland, Kenya or Malaya — is 
always inadmissable. The torture and killing of the colonised is 
ignored or excused, while their violent responses to occupation are 
never forgotten. The only aggressors permitted to exist are those 
who fight back. 

Does it matter what people say about a conflict that took place 85 
years ago? It does. For, the same one-sided story is being told 
about the occupation of Iraq. The execution of 24 civilians in 
Haditha allegedly carried out by U.S. marines in November 2005 is 
being discussed as a disgraceful anomaly: the work of a few "bad 
apples." Donald Rumsfeld claims "we know that 99.9 per cent of our 
forces conduct themselves in an exemplary manner," and most of the 
media seem to agree. But if they chose to look, they would find 
evidence of scores of such massacres. 

In March, Jody Casey, a U.S. veteran of the war in Iraq, told BBC 
TV's Newsnight programme that when insurgents have let off a 
bomb, "you just zap any farmer that is close to you ... when we 
first got down there, you could basically kill whoever you wanted, 
it was that easy." On June 4, another veteran told the London-based 
Observer that cold-blooded killings by U.S. forces "are widespread. 
This is the norm. These are not the exceptions." There is powerful 
evidence to suggest that U.S. soldiers tied up and executed 11 
persons — again including small children — in Ishaqi in March. Iraqi 
officers say that U.S. troops executed two women and a mentally 
challenged man in a house in Samarra last month. In 2004, U.S. 
forces are alleged to have bombed a wedding party at Makr al-Deeb 
and then shot the survivors, killing 42 people. No one has any idea 
what happened in Fallujah, as the destruction of the city and its 
remaining inhabitants was so thorough. 

Even the Iraqi Prime Minister, who depends on coalition troops for 
his protection, complained last week that their attacks on civilians 
were a "regular occurrence ... They crush them with their vehicles 
and kill them just on suspicion." But like the Black and Tans the 
U.S. troops have little fear of investigation or punishment. 

Why should we be surprised by these events? This is what happens 
when one country occupies another. When troops are far away from 
home, exercising power over people that they do not understand, 
knowing that the population harbours those who would kill them if 
they could, their anger and fear and frustration turns into a hatred 
of all "micks" or "gooks" or "hajjis." Occupations brutalise both 
the occupiers and the occupied. It is our refusal to learn that 
lesson which allows new colonial adventures to take place. If we 
knew more about Ireland, the invasion of Iraq might never have 
happened. 


— © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2006 









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