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Subject: THE THREAT TO THE NET
Date: Thu, 20 Jan 2000 04:07:47 -0800
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The Progressive January 2000

THE THREAT TO THE NET

By Pat Aufderheide

Who owns the Internet? If you think the answer is "nobody," you're
right--for now. That's why it has been such an astonishing innovation that
has flourished so vibrantly at the grassroots. But this pioneering era may
end badly, with an all-too-familiar finish: Big business tames a giddy and
experimental phenomenon and turns it into a nice, tidy, and ever-so-
profitable money-maker. And why not? That's what happened with phones,
with radio, with TV. The difference this time may be that too many people
have sampled an open information environment to settle for less.
The thugs of the story, who want to fence in the Internet, are the cable
companies, led by communications conglomerates like AT&T. They now
have something many of us want: broadband Internet service. But they plan
to make us pay for it in more ways than one. And the stakes have risen
dramatically since the largest of the Internet Service Providers, America
Online (AOL), announced a merger with Time Warner in January.
The fight is about closed access versus open access to broadband.
"Broadband" just means faster transmission of more data. For web
users, that's a lot. It's the Internet squared: no waiting, no loading. With
broadband, web pages fly by like the flicked pages of a book, and web
video looks just like TV. In fact, it may be TV, and your phone, and your
spreadsheet program, and your fax, and anything else that can attach to the
sophisticated transmission system. That's because broadband is not simply
the future of the Internet. It's the future of our communications systems.
Anyone familiar with the World Wide Wait is itching for
broadband service. And cable companies would love to get it to you.
But they want control over how you use it, and who gets to you
through it, and they want to charge you for the privilege. That could
turn the Internet of today, the open-to-anyone-for-anything system,
into cable on steroids.
Now, as cable companies are beginning to offer broadband, local
governments are demanding open access: the ability to get on the
broadband using any Internet Service Provider on the same terms as
anyone else's. The cable companies are fighting for closed access:
They want to force everyone who uses their broadband service to go
through their preferred Internet Service Providers.
Until the announced merger, America Online had been one of the
leaders in the battle for open access. But, with its merger pending, that
could change. Time Warner, along with owning TV networks, movie
studios, magazines, and music companies, is also the second largest cable
operator. AOL executives proudly pledged their continued
commitment to open access. But if the merger goes through, AOL
Time Warner will have to decide whether it's still for open access or
whether it will opt instead for closed access.
"AOL benefited from an open access business plan and still does,"
says Andrew Schwartzman, head of the the public interest law firm Media
Access Project, based in Washington, D.C. "But there are always
attractions to monopoly. We hope the open access model prevails."
What AT&T does may be very important in that story. It's now
the largest cable provider in the country, as well as the largest long
distance phone company in the world. Back when AT&T was Ma
Bell, before 1982, the phone company was an easy target for
resentment. It's an easier target now. It became the largest cable
company in the world last year when it bought TCI, which has had its
own image problems. Before the merger, TCI was the largest cable
company in the United States and was looked upon with all the
fondness people held for Darth Vader (Al Gore even referred to
TCI's chairman by that epithet). Now, the two reviled giants are
joined at the bottom line.
Almost two decades after government lawyers broke up the old phone
monopoly and AT&T abandoned local service, the company owns a
pathway to many of us again.
Cable wires reach out and touch three-quarters of U.S. homes. They
also pass almost all of them, and digital cable wires could handle phone
traffic. AT&T has gone on to buy other cable systems and awaits Federal
Communications Commission (FCC) approval of a merger with the third
largest cable company, MediaOne. Factor in MediaOne's 25 percent
interest in--you guessed it!--Time Warner, and AT&T has access to more
than half of America's homes once more. It may even be interested in
joining forces with AOL Time Warner in some formal way down the line.
What these mergers do is threaten the freedom to access the
Internet.
Today, you can choose from thousands of Internet Service Providers,
and you can make that decision based on whether they offer quick hookups
or whether they design nice chat rooms or whether they're run by your
neighbor's teenager. If you want broadband service, though, cable
companies will steer you to their own Internet Service Providers (AT&T's
is Excite@Home). They'd be happy to connect you to any other provider
but only through theirs, which would mean you'd pay double to get to your
neighbor's teenager's service.
The independent providers hate this. The biggest of them may be able
to buy their way out of the problem, but most others see it as a death
warrant.
Most of us ordinary users of the Net are plodding along at about the
same speed, sometimes transmitting gobs of information and sometimes
dribs and drabs. This rough equality has given a lot of people the idea of
creating their own web sites, e-businesses, e-zines, and nonprofit
enterprises like charity clearinghouses. But this equality may be fading
fast.
Cable companies want to determine the speed at which any user
might send information or receive it, and the Internet hardware
company Cisco Systems is already selling the equipment to let them
do so. AT&T, for instance, won't let you send more than ten minutes of
video at a time via Excite@Home.
Since cable companies like AT&T are the first ones out of the
chute with broadband, they are in a position to set terms. And they
want to discourage potential competition by strangling it at birth.
They have no interest in allowing anyone else to offer the equivalent
of a channel over their cable lines on the same terms they offer to
their own Internet Service Providers. They want people to come to
cable itself for that content or to the Internet for that content, as long
as it's through their system.
The cable companies' nightmare is that a content provider might
turn into a competitor, someone who would offer programming that
draws people away from the cable menu. For instance, AT&T doesn't
want Disney hooking up some hip preteen channel and making it available
on the Net, thereby letting the preteens skip around AT&T's own bundled
offerings that include Disney channels.
Content providers--be they Disney, Fox, progressive news groups, the
PTA, or consumer guide services--all may lose an opportunity to reach
citizens on the Net directly and to create programming that would find its
own audience without paying a gatekeeper and submitting to that
gatekeeper's terms.
The content providers that stand to lose the most are those without
financial clout, and especially the nonprofit organizations that keep our
civic culture alive. They could become second-class citizens on the Web.
Their material could be transmitted at a slower speed or not at all. And if
the cable companies succeed, the grassroots innovation and creativity that
has characterized the Web may vanish.
Today, the Net environment is pretty chaotic, and many consumers
have become accustomed to using search engines and portals and filters to
find their way around. You choose the selectors; you can pick a provider
that simply hauls your data around and lets you go where you want to go,
or you can hook up with a more commercialized provider. These providers
may have an arrangement, for instance, with Amazon.com, which
recommends a source that has paid Amazon.com a fee for promotion.
But are you ready for an Internet where you have no choice but to
go through a provider that tailors your searches according to the
profit-sharing deals it can cut? And are you ready to hand over to the
cable company the power to determine whether to deliver your
material and at what speed?



THIS IS NOT SOME SCIENCE FICTION STORY

The battle for control over the Internet is already raging. And it is
taking place on the unlikely field of local regulation, as cities and
counties
face off against the cable companies. Free speech and public interest
advocates, along with the Internet Service Providers, joined forces to
support these local officials, who confront cable companies as they apply to
open or renew local franchises.
What's at stake here is not just the kinds of problems we face with
cable services. That would be bad enough. On cable today, we have
content problems, like having them decide for us which channels are on our
systems, which news services they'll carry, and whether we can see C-
SPAN II. We also have monopoly pricing problems. Cable companies give
us stations we don't want and make us pay for the whole bundle. If we get
only the broadband services that cable companies find it convenient and
lucrative to give us, we'll certainly have these problems.
But we may have a much bigger problem: the killing of opportunity--
political, social, economic--before it's even been imagined.
No one imagined the burgeoning of freedom of expression on the Net,
or the skyrocketing of Net businesses, or the way that Internet
communication has changed the operations of nonprofit groups, which can
now instantly alert members to a zoning hearing or create an on-line public
record of parents' complaints about school issues or post their grant
applications on the Net.
The original design of the Web was responsible for its dynamism,
and if the cable companies are allowed to dictate the design of
broadband, the Web will take a much different shape in the future


Why foreclose futures that stimulate competition, benefit consumers,
foster innovation, boost the economy, and nurture civic life?
"The reason the Internet has been such an engine for creativity
and growth is the way it was built, its architecture," Lawrence Lessig,
a Harvard law professor, explained at a late December briefing in
Washington, D.C., held by public interest advocates and underwritten by
what was then America Online. Lessig's new book, Code and Other Laws
of Cyberspace (Basic Books, 1999), explains the link between this
architecture and politics. Closed access services, by the way, can easily
discourage unprofitable transactions. If you had wanted to see a video
transmission of Lessig's presentation (which was available through
nogatekeepers.com), you couldn't do it on Excite@Home.
The Internet was designed for researchers to be able to work
together cheaply and easily, so it was open to any use by any user.
The Net is really nothing more than the set of open and public
agreements among computers about how to reach each other's code.
Any computer can use the same simple software to "speak" to any
other, often sending its packets of digitized data over phone lines. So
long as your machine knows how to talk to all the other machines,
and it has a pathway to send its data, you're part of the network.
You're on the Net. You are the Net. Users make the Net; the system
evolves with the users.
When most of that data was in the form of simple text, phone lines
worked perfectly to get ordinary users hooked up to the Net. Voice takes
ten times as much space as data does, so there was lots of extra room.
"We've been lucky. Today's Internet ecology required no effort of
design," Lessig explained. But images, especially moving images, take up
gargantuan amounts of space when turned into digital code, and the great
wads of data they send clog up the whole system.
So the next stage of the Net can't piggyback on existing networks.
It must be built. And the way it is built will determine how it is used,
and what it is used for. AT&T wants to design the system so that it
controls the technology, making it closed from the start.
Broadband is not entirely the province of cable companies. In fact, local
phone companies are developing what are called DSL (for digital
subscriber line) services--vastly speeded-up data transmission over phone
lines. They are legally required to make their facilities available to
anyone
who wants to provide DSL service. But they are lumbering far behind in
offering rapid Internet service, partly because they aren't any more eager
for competition than the cable companies are, and partly because the cost of
laying new wires is high.
Cable companies, which have no legal requirement to share their
broadband, have told policymakers that they've paid a lot for these
systems, so why should they give access away free? As Daniel Somers, the
new head of AT&T's cable operations, said recently, the company didn't
spend $56 billion to get into cable "to have the blood sucked out of our
vein."


PORTLAND, OREGON, HAS LED THE WAY FOR OPEN ACCESS

But the battle with AT&T, which began in late 1998, took City
Commissioner Erik Sten by surprise. He's in charge of utilities, and he
went head-to-head with AT&T.
"In Portland, we had two cable companies: Paragon and TCI, and
AT&T bought both of them," Sten recalls. "When they came to us for
approval of their franchise license, we said that they had to offer open
access, which is also called nondiscriminatory broadband service. There
are about 100 Internet Service Providers in the Portland area, and we
wanted them to be able to offer access to broadband on the same terms as
Excite@Home. If you don't have competition with Internet Service
Providers, you ultimately hand over control of the Internet to AT&T. Plus,
our 100 local companies, which pay local taxes, would go out of business."
But there's more to it than that. "Access to the Internet should be as
open and reasonably priced as possible," he says. "Allowing AT&T to have
closed access would be just one more step in the homogenization of the
information industry. It goes against the free flow of ideas, and it doesn't
allow competitive pricing."
Sten cites the case of Powell's Books in Portland, a prominent local
store. He says when a Washington Post reporter went to Powell's and
asked a store manager whether he cared about access, the manager said,
"You bet," and took the reporter to a computer and showed him how
Amazon.com always comes up on Excite@Home when searching for
books.
"If you're in Portland, Oregon, you should have Powell's Books show
up sometime," Sten says. "Closed access would make Portland a different
place. Independent booksellers would close. You could still buy books, but
it would not be the same city."
Sten attended the December briefing in Washington with Professor
Lessig and explained the decision to confront AT&T. "This did not look
like a tough issue for us," he said. "We thought the question was, why
wouldn't you require open access? I was astonished at AT&T's reaction.
We had an amicable hearing, we saw nothing to stop us from requiring
open access, we laid out the reasons, and AT&T's response was: 'We hope
you have a large legal budget.'"
Sten didn't. But the city of Portland still won its first court battle.
Since
then, eleven other local jurisdictions have followed suit. But in Portland,
rather than knuckle under and actually provide broadband service, AT&T
has ordered its lawyers to appeal. And AT&T has plenty of money to
spend.
"We're winning one in ten of these fights," says Schwartzman of the
Media Access Project. "And that's because AT&T is buying its way
through the process."
To Ron Sims, the county executive who stared down AT&T in the
Seattle area, the issue is uncomplicated. It's about control of content;
it's about free speech; it's about choice. He says advocates,
consumers, and public officials can and should stand up to AT&T.
"No single entity should control content," he says. "We live in the
heartland of high-tech development. We know high speed access is the
doorway to innovation. Don't slam that door."


BUT HOW LONG WILL THE DOOR STAY OPEN?

Part of the answer depends on the fate of AOL and Time Warner.
"AOL's been one of the biggest supporters of open access so far," says
Sten. "My fear is they'll soften considerably now. This is a pretty ominous
deal for people who care about open access."
But it's not a done deal. The merger depends on federal regulators,
who can demand a policy of open access.
Part of the answer also lies with AT&T. It could move toward open
access itself. As a result of pressure from regulators and activists, last
year
AT&T signed an agreement in principle with the large Internet Service
Provider MindSpring, permitting access to AT&T's broadband service in
Seattle. The agreement was widely excoriated by open access advocates
because it merely shows that anyone who pleases the gatekeeper can get a
deal. "The agreement doesn't go far enough," Sims says. "But at least they
can't say anymore that open access is not technically feasible, or that they
can't afford to deploy if they have it."
The FCC has the authority to decide whether cable should
provide open access, and it has a new opportunity to advise the
Federal Trade Commission and the Justice Department about the
AOL Time Warner merger.
Unfortunately, with AT&T, it has declined to decide. Instead, it
has adopted a policy of "watchful waiting," in the words of FCC
chairman, Bill Kennard.
"The real sad thing is that the FCC has just sat on its hands while a big
company is trying to buy up something that should be publicly available,"
says Sten.
The problem with "watchful waiting," says Lessig, is that not
mandating open access comes down to supporting closed access. And
if the cable industry gets to build closed systems, it will be expensive
and perhaps impossible to crack open later or to nurture the
innovation that has been stifled. It's like saying you don't need to use
seat belts, Lessig told the FCC, because people can always go the
emergency room if they get hurt.
Under the 1996 rewrite of the nation's basic communications law, the
FCC is required to streamline its regulations and phase out any that aren't
conducive to competition. The FCC has argued that any regulation will
stop broadband deployment. This is just what the biggest cable-telecom
companies want it to say.
While the FCC treats AT&T like a tender flower of innovation, local
officials are aggressively pursuing its competitors. "Innovative broadband
companies are coming to Portland now, in spite of the fact that we're a
pretty small market," Sten says. "That's a result of our open access
decision."
Sten worries that the AOL Time Warner merger could just mean
another giant with its own closed access system. "From the open access
perspective, that's not any better," he says. "We should have a federal
policy role here."
And the message that regulators need to hear is simple: Protect
what we've got, and make sure we can build on it. Make open access
the terms of doing business.


Pat Aufderheide, a professor in the School of Communication at American
University, is the author of Communications Policy and the Public Interest
(Guilford, 1999).

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