-Caveat Lector-

Bush's Iran-Contra pardons (12/25/92 L.A.Times article)


  Friday, December 25, 1992
   Home Edition
   Section: PART A
   Page: A-1
Bush Pardons Weinberger, 5 Others in Iran-Contra; Act Called Cover-Up;
Inquiry: Prosecutor accuses President of misconduct, claims Bush kept
own
notes of arms-for-hostages affair. Christmas Eve clemency scuttles
six-yearinvestigation.

By: ROBERT L. JACKSON and RONALD J. OSTROW
 TIMES STAFF WRITERS
     WASHINGTON --     President Bush granted Christmas Eve pardons to
former
Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger and five other former government
officials Thursday, wiping out all pending criminal prosecutions in the
Iran-Contra  case.

 In an angry statement, the Iran-Contra independent counsel, Lawrence
 E. Walsh, accused Bush of "misconduct" and declared that the pardon was
 part of the cover-up that "has continued for more than six years."

 And in a potentially explosive revelation, he said it was recently
 discovered that Bush himself kept personal notes on aspects of the
 arms-for-hostages affair. He said prosecutors have been denied access
to
 some of them "despite repeated requests" and added ominously that this
 "will lead to appropriate action."

 The flurry of dramatic events, which began with the midday issuance of
 the White House's Christmas season pardon list, meant that instead of
 winding down after a term of unprecedented length, the Iran-Contra
 investigation was erupting anew with the suggestion of a higher target
 and greater implications.

 Walsh declined to say what action he might take against Bush. In an
 interview broadcast later, however, he did acknowledge that Bush is
"the
 subject now of our investigation" and that the potential grounds are
 having "illegally withheld documents" from Iran-Contra investigations.

 Of Bush's notes, he said: "We have some already and some have been
 withheld still. There are months missing. . . . "

 The White House declined comment on the charges, although an official
 who asked to remain anonymous said: "We've turned over all the
documents.
 Everything we can turn over we have turned over."

 In addition to Weinberger, Bush pardoned Elliott Abrams, former
 assistant secretary of state; Robert C. McFarlane, former national
 security adviser, and former CIA officials Clair E. George, Alan D.
Fiers
 and Duane Clarridge. All were in President Ronald Reagan's
 Administration.

 A presidential pardon is absolute. It wipes out all convictions,
 pending charges, appeals or even possible future prosecutions.

 Weinberger, 75, who was due to stand trial early next month on perjury
 charges as the highest ex-official to be charged in the affair, told
 reporters: "I am pleased that my family and I have been spared the
 terrible ordeal of a lengthy and unjustified trial."

 He added: "I am absolutely confident that I would have been
 acquitted." He was accused of lying to Congress and Walsh's
investigators
 about the Iran-Contra affair and concealing key notes of White House
 meetings about plans for Iranian arms sales to try to free American
 hostages in the Mideast.

 George, the CIA's former No. 3 official who was convicted on two
 perjury charges earlier this month, also thanked Bush and said he will
 "focus on eliminating the pressing financial debt" he has incurred by
 defending himself through two trials.

 The President, in a written statement about the pardons, said the
 six-year investigation had gone on long enough and that those he was
 pardoning had acted only in what they believed was the nation's
interest,
 not for their benefit.

 All "have already paid a price" that is "grossly disproportionate to
 any misdeeds or errors of judgment they may have committed," he said.

  Bush called Weinberger "a true American patriot who has rendered long
 and extraordinary service to our country" during seven years in the
 Reagan Administration and previously in three posts in the Richard M.
 Nixon Administration. The former California assemblyman was state
 director of revenue during Reagan's term as California governor.

  Bush said he felt the independent counsel's investigation had outlived
 any justification it had when it was convened by a panel of federal
 appellate judges six years ago at the recommendation of then-Atty. Gen.
 Edwin Meese III.

  In Los Angeles, Reagan said he was pleased by the pardons.

 "These men have served their country for many years with honor and
 distinction," he said, adding that he was "glad that this long ordeal
has
 ended for them and their families."

  President-elect Bill Clinton told reporters in Little Rock, Ark., he
 was concerned it signaled that if you are a high government official,
 "you are above the law."

 Bush's action held some historic and legal risks for him.

 By clearing away the other cases, the pardon allows the independent
 counsel to focus on Bush's role in the Iran-Contra affair--a course
that
  Walsh hinted he will pursue.

 Walsh indicated specific interest in Bush's sworn insistence that he
 had no detailed knowledge of the plan to swap arms for hostages. "The
 statute of limitations has run out on the substance of the crime, on
the
 cover-up itself," he said in one interview. But "the statute of
 limitations can always be revived by a false statement under oath."

  Meanwhile, the pardon attracted the attention of legal scholars and
 historians who will assess Bush's presidency and its legacy.

 It is rare for a President to exercise his powers of executive
 clemency for a defendant before his trial, as was the case with
 Weinberger. The most celebrated case of such a pardon was former
 President Gerald R. Ford's grant to Nixon, who had resigned in August,
 1974, as he faced House impeachment in the Watergate scandal.

  Ford could not be accused of a personal conflict in the action because
 he had not figured in the Watergate scandal. But Bush's role in
 Iran-Contra has repeatedly been questioned, and evidence prepared for
the
 trial cited Bush's presence as vice president at several high-level
 meetings.

  Bush has insisted he was "out of the loop" on Iranian arms sale
 discussions. Contemporaneous notes written by Weinberger in 1986 and
 obtained by the prosecution indicated that Bush was present at a White
 House meeting at which the hostage deal was debated in detail. The note
 indicated that Bush supported the swap of arms for hostages while
 Weinberger and then-Secretary of State George P. Shultz argued against
 it.

  Weinberger, although he told Congress a year later that he had no
 relevant documents on Iran-Contra, later turned over 1,700 pages of
notes
 and other records on his whole Pentagon tenure to the Library of
 Congress. In response to a request from Walsh's staff, he made the
notes
 available to investigators in 1990. They ultimately led to his
 indictment.

  Walsh, in his sharp attack on Bush's action Thursday, said: "The
 Iran-Contra cover-up, which has continued for more than six years, has
 now been completed with the pardon of Caspar Weinberger."

  He added that "Weinberger's notes contain evidence of a conspiracy
 among the highest-ranking Reagan Administration officials to lie to
 Congress and the American public." The concealment of such notes kept
 fresh evidence away from investigators for years "and possibly
 forestalled timely impeachment proceedings against President Reagan and
 other officials," Walsh said.

  In addition, Walsh said his investigators were informed "only within
 the past two weeks that President Bush had failed to produce . . . his
 own highly relevant contemporaneous notes, despite repeated requests
for
 such documents."

 Characterizing this alleged failure as Bush's "own misconduct," he
 said "the production of these notes is still ongoing and will lead to
 appropriate action."

 Walsh drew a parallel between Bush's pardons and Nixon's attempt to
 thwart the Watergate investigation by firing special prosecutor
Archibald
 Cox.

 "It may well be that President Bush has succeeded in a sort of
 Saturday Night Massacre," he said on the ABC-TV "Nightline" program.
"You
 may remember that President Nixon had Archie Cox fired when he got too
 close to the presidency. This may be a more subtle way of closing down
an
 investigation. But we have not yet accepted that conclusion. We will
 check our options, and we will not close it down until we are certain
 that that's the only appropriate course."

  Bush, who was at Camp David for the weekend, said in his statement
 that he will ask Walsh to provide him with a copy of his own testimony
to
 the investigators so that he can release it publicly to show his
candor.
 "No impartial person has seriously suggested that my own role in this
  matter is legally questionable," he said.

 Even though Walsh's statement appears to underscore charges that
 Clinton and Vice President-elect Al Gore made during the campaign that
 Bush had not adequately accounted for his conduct during Iran-Contra,
the
 confrontation could pose a difficult problem for the incoming
 Administration.

  If Bush and Walsh do battle over a special prosecutor's power to
 obtain documents from a President, Clinton might find himself compelled
 to take up Bush's side of the argument in defense of his office's legal
 rights. "It could be touchy," said a Clinton aide.

  In granting clemency to the six, Bush wiped out four criminal
 convictions on Iran-Contra charges and blocked two pending
prosecutions.

  Abrams, who in the State Department oversaw U.S. policy toward Latin
 America, pleaded guilty last year to two misdemeanor charges of
 withholding information from Congress about the secret government
efforts
 to provide support to the Nicaraguan Contras at a time when such aid
was
 banned by Congress.

  McFarlane helped arrange the arms sales to Iran and made a secret
 trip to Tehran at a crucial stage in the affair. He pleaded guilty in
 1988 to four charges of withholding information from Congress.

  Of the former CIA officials, Clarridge was accused of lying to
 Congress about a secret shipment of Hawk missiles to Iran, while George
 and Fiers were convicted of falsely denying knowledge of the
 Administration's illegal aid operation for the Contras. Abrams,
McFarlane
 and Fiers were sentenced to probation and to perform community service.
 George's sentencing was scheduled for Feb. 18. Clarridge was due to go
on
 trial March 15.

  Asked why he thought he had been prosecuted by Walsh, Weinberger
 replied: "He seemed absolutely determined to get somebody, in view of
his
 dismal record."

 Only one defendant ever went to jail for offenses in the scandal:
 former CIA operative Thomas G. Clines, who was convicted of tax-related
 charges.

  Walsh's staff obtained 11 convictions during their six-year tenure,
 but the two biggest ones were overturned on appeal: those of former
White
 House aide Oliver L. North and former White House National Security
 Adviser John M. Poindexter.

 Seven other convictions resulted from negotiated plea agreements.
 Bush's pardons did not extend to North and Poindexter, whose cases have
 been dismissed anyway, nor did the pardons apply to Iran-Contra
middlemen
 who pleaded guilty in the scandal, such as former Air Force Maj. Gen.
 Richard V. Secord and Iranian-born businessman Albert Hakim.

  Staff writer David Lauter in Little Rock and James Gerstenzang in
 Washington contributed to this story.

 * RELATED STORIES: A18-A21
 BACKGROUND

 The Iran-Contra scandal involved the November, 1986, disclosure that
 former President Ronald Reagan's Administration, in violation of his
 stated policies, secretly sold arms to Iran in the hope of gaining the
 freedom of U.S. hostages in Lebanon. Some of the proceeds from the arms
 sales were passed on to Contra rebels fighting the leftist Sandinista
 government in Nicaragua at a time when such aid was banned by Congress.
 The Iran-Contra independent counsel, Lawrence E. Walsh, brought 14
 indictments and obtained 11 convictions during a $33-million, six-year
 investigation of how far the ensuing cover-up extended into the CIA and
 the White House. Walsh's inquiry was the longest since the special
 prosecutor law was enacted in 1978 in one of the most significant
 legislative changes of the post-Watergate era.
 Iran-Contra Figures at a Glance

  A glance at the figures in the Iran-Contra case pardoned Thursday:

  * Caspar W. Weinberger, a former defense secretary. He was indicted
 June 16 for allegedly concealing his notes about the arms shipments to
 Iran. Prosecutors uncovered the 1,700 pages of notes in 1991 at the
 Library of Congress. The material details discussions among former
 President Ronald Reagan and his top aides--including then-Vice
President
 Bush--about the Iran initiative.

 * Elliott Abrams, a former assistant secretary of state for
 Inter-American Affairs. Abrams was sentenced Nov. 15, 1991, to two
years
 of probation and 100 hours of community service for his guilty plea on
 two misdemeanor charges of withholding information from Congress in the
 affair. He agreed to cooperate with Iran-Contra investigators.

 * Duane Clarridge was the head of the CIA's Western European Division.
He
 was indicted on Nov. 26, 1991, for lying to Congress and the Tower
 Commission that investigated Iran-Contra. Clarridge was charged with
five
 counts of perjury and two counts of making false statements for
allegedly
 covering up his knowledge of a Nov. 25, 1985, shipment of Hawk missiles
 to Iran.

 * Alan D. Fiers, retired chief of the CIA's Central American Task
Force.
 He agreed to cooperate with prosecutors, and his testimony gave a boost
 to the long-running criminal investigation. Fiers was sentenced to one
 year of probation and 100 hours of community service.

 * Clair E. George is the retired chief of the CIA's covert operations
 division. He was convicted of lying to two congressional committees.
 Before Bush's pardon, George faced a maximum five-year sentence and a
 possible $250,000 fine for each of the two convictions. His sentencing
 had been scheduled for Feb. 18.

 * Robert C. McFarlane, former national security adviser. McFarlane
 pleaded guilty March 11, 1988, to four counts of withholding
information
 from Congress. He was placed on probation for two years, fined $20,000
 and ordered to perform 200 hours of community service.

 Why not North and Poindexter?

  Charges against national security aide Oliver L. North were dismissed
 in 1991 at the prosecution's request. The conviction was thrown out
 because the judge said key testimony was tainted by information North
 gave Congress while under immunity. North was convicted in 1989 of
 destroying documents, accepting an illegal gratuity and aiding the
 obstruction of Congress. Former National Security Adviser John M.
 Poindexter also had his five felony convictions set aside on appeal.
 Source: Times wire services

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