> Benarkah Eyang Harto hanya terkait dengan 7 Yayasan saja?
> > > > Atau itu hanya 'seolah-olah' ada upaya penyelidikan hukum saja?
> > > > Mari hilangkan (minimal kikis) budaya/politik 'klaim dan
> > > > seolah-olah'!!
> > > > Mari..
> > > >
> > > > Wassalam,
> > > >
> > > > Irwan.K
> > > >
> > > > http://www.time.com/time/asia/asia/magazine/1999/990524/cover1.html
> > > >
> > > > *The Family Firm*
> > > > *A TIME investigation into the wealth of Indonesia's Suharto and his
> > > > children uncovers a $15 billion fortune in cash, property, art, jewelry and
> > > > jets *
> > > > By JOHN COLMEY and DAVID LIEBHOLD Jakarta
> > > >
> > > > When the end came for Suharto, Indonesia's long-serving President
> > > > appeared oddly passive. As students and angry mobs took to the streets and
> > > > soldiers responded with gunfire and tear gas, the five-star general hovered
> > > > in the background, making few attempts to set things right. When he finally
> > > > quit a year ago this week, he stood meekly to the side as his successor,
> > > > B.J. Habibie, took the oath of office. Suharto has hardly been heard
> > > > from since.
> > > >
> > >
> > > http://www.time.com/time/asia/asia/magazine/1999/990524/cover2.html
> > >
> > > *GREAT EXPECTATIONS*
> > >
> > > How did Suharto Inc. attain its wealth, its power and its hold over
> > > the imaginations of millions of Indonesians? When Suharto became acting
> > > President of Indonesia in 1967, his unique blend of forcefulness and
> > > Javanese political subtlety was already manifest. The ousting of "President
> > > for Life" Sukarno, the nationalist founder of the country, took two years
> > > and, through an accompanying anti-communist purge, claimed as many as
> > > 500,000 lives. But Suharto, an obscure general from a hardscrabble village
> > > in central Java, led an outwardly modest life. He and his late wife Siti
> > > Hartinah ("Madam Tien") initially lived in a simple bungalow in the Menteng
> > > district of Jakarta and drove a 1964 Ford Galaxy. That was in marked
> > > contrast to Sukarno, the self-styled "God-King," with his grand presidential
> > > palace and his glamorous third wife Dewi, a former Japanese hostess at
> > > Tokyo's Copacabana nightclub.
> > >
> >
> > http://www.time.com/time/asia/asia/magazine/1999/990524/cover3.html
> >
> > *OIL AND LAND*
> >
> > The Suharto reach extended well beyond the foundations' interests, and
> > few deals were more lucrative than the family's oil businesses. In his first
> > decade in power, Suharto allowed state oil conglomerate Pertamina to be run
> > as a private fief by its founder Ibnu Sutowo, a former general once known as
> > the second most powerful man in Indonesia. Sutowo's plan to build a huge
> > tanker fleet for Pertamina brought it to the brink of financial collapse in
> > 1975. He was fired the following year, though it wasn't clear whether the
> > cause was mismanagement or his political ambitions. Now 84, Sutowo tells
> > TIME it was neither. He says Suharto asked him in 1976 to set up a second
> > trading company to ship Indonesian crude oil to Japan. "He said to me, 'I
> > want you to take $0.10 for every barrel traded by the new company,'" Sutowo
> > recalls. "When I said no, I think he was shocked."
> >
>
> http://www.time.com/time/asia/asia/magazine/1999/990524/cover4.html
>
> *CHILDREN OF FORTUNE*
>
> For years, Indonesia's corruption was the kind of petty favor-buying and
> commission-giving commonly found in the developing world. Two factors pushed
> the country into a league of its own. The first was Indonesia's position as
> an up-and-coming star performer in the Asian economic miracle, which brought
> a cascade of funds pouring into businesses and real estate. The World Bank
> estimates that between 1988 and 1996, Indonesia received more than $130
> billion in foreign investment. "All this has been possible under the eyes of
> the West, which supported Suharto for 30 years," says Carel Mohn,
> spokesperson for Transparency International, a non-governmental organization
> based in Berlin.
>
http://www.time.com/time/asia/asia/magazine/1999/990524/cover5.html
When the Suharto regime fell, the children used their influence to extricate
themselves from ailing businesses and debts. In April 1994, Tommy launched
the Goro supermarket chain with two of his companies and the Central Village
Cooperative, a large, government-run farmers' organization. Together they
borrowed more than $100 million in loans, according to Bank Bumi Daya
records. No repayments were ever made on the loans. On May 4, 1998, Tommy
sold his shares to the farmers and their cooperative for $112 million in
cash, saddling them with the entire debt. "The children were very wild,"
says Ibnu Hartomo, younger brother of Madam Tien. "It seems that they have
forgotten about ethics." Angry mobs burned down one Goro store in south
Jakarta during riots in May 1998, a week before Suharto resigned.
Though much of the Suharto fortune has been lost through mismanagement and
the country's economic collapse--Tommy's PT Sempati Air, for instance, went
bust in 1998--the family still has many viable businesses. One of many small
examples: Sigit's PT Panutan Selaras produces 25% of the "premix"
high-octane gasoline used in Indonesian cars and owns 22 filling stations in
Jakarta, Surabaya and Central Java. Tommy's PT Humpuss Trading, meanwhile,
is also producing the high-end gasoline.
And then there's real estate. While prices have plunged in Indonesia, the
family's property holdings are today worth $1 billion, and many--including
rubber and sugar plantations, malls and hotels--continue to bring in
revenue. In the mid-1980s, Bambang paid the government $700 per sq m for a
plot of land in central Jakarta on which now sits the Grand Hyatt Hotel, the
prime asset of his publicly listed PT Plaza Indonesia Realty. In Bali, the
children ended up with some of the most lucrative gems of the tourist
industry: Bali Cliff Hotel (Sigit), Sheraton Nusa Indah Resort (Bambang),
Sheraton Laguna Nusa Dua (Bambang), Bali Intercontinental Resort (Bambang,
until two months ago), Nikko Royal Hotel (Sigit, until six months ago), the
Four Seasons Resort in Jimbaran (Tommy) and the Bali Golf and Country Club
in Nusa Dua (Tommy). Tutut and Tommy bought the land under Jakarta's
National Police Headquarters for a fifth of its market value. Minister of
Forestry Muslimin Nasution says 4.5 million hectares of forest and
plantation land is connected to the Suharto children. Observes
Melbourne-based economist Michael Backman, who has written about the
Suhartos in his book Asian Eclipse: Exploring the Dark Side of Business in
Asia: "Anyone who says the family businesses are broke has got it wrong.
They still have shares in timber, oil palm plantations and hotels, all of
which are big dollar earners."
*THE WHEELS OF JUSTICE*
Suharto continues to insist that his assets are modest and located entirely
in Indonesia. "He told me, 'I don't have one cent abroad,'" says Kaligis,
his top lawyer. "If anyone is found to have set up an account in his name
overseas, he has instructed me to launch a lawsuit against them." Since
Suharto resigned, son Bambang and his family have been spending time in Los
Angeles; Titiek has been in Boston, where her son goes to high school. The
rest of the Suhartos live most of the year in Indonesia. Sigit spends hours
on his favorite Versace couch (no one else is allowed to sit on it), playing
video games and watching tapes of Javanese shadow puppet performances.
But the wheels of justice have barely started moving. Attorney General
Ghalib says Suharto has handed over to the government seven foundations with
$690 million in assets. Members of Ghalib's own staff, however, say Suharto
continues to control those holdings and that the foundations are worth far
more than that. Three of the foundations together have an 87% stake in Bank
Duta, which had assets of $1 billion in 1990. Yet in investigating the
foundations, Ghalib has not gone beyond their printed records, which he has
turned over to a state auditing board for analysis. Says Ghalib's
predecessor Soedjono: "This investigation isn't going anywhere."
The ongoing reform of Indonesia's banking sector also seems to be helping
Suharto family members and associates cover up their debt obligations. Last
October, the government announced a plan to merge four state banks--with a
total of $11.5 billion in nonperforming loans--into one. The six Suharto
children and several companies affiliated with them are listed by the
government as owing $800 million in bad debts to the four banks. The amount
may well be understated: between them, Bambang and Tommy have $635 million
in bad loans from just one of the four, Bank Bumi Daya. An official with the
bank says that its accounts were falsely reported to the government,
including $172 million lent to Hashim Djojohadikusumo, Titiek's
brother-in-law, to buy stock in another bank. Borrowing money to purchase
bank shares is illegal in Indonesia. Asked to respond, Hashim's office said
he was too busy for an interview. When TIME informed Habibie of the loan,
the President immediately began looking into it.
A genuine investigation into the Suharto booty will probably have to await
the next government. A parliamentary election scheduled for June 7, to be
followed by a presidential vote in November, could change the political
equation substantially. Two leading presidential candidates, Amien Rais and
Abdurrahman Wahid, say they would order a trial for Suharto, probably
followed by a pardon if he returns ill-gotten gains. Megawati Sukarnoputri,
daughter of founding President Sukarno and herself a presidential candidate,
hasn't made her stand clear. Some analysts think she will leave Suharto
alone, out of gratitude for his not imprisoning her father.
The children, however, could be in for rougher treatment. "As long as their
father is alive," says a Suharto family friend, "he can probably protect
them. After he's gone, they're going to have to run." Three of the six
children have homes in the U.S., so prosecutors there could go after them
under tough new laws aimed at corruption and money laundering. Bambang,
meanwhile, controls two U.S.-listed companies, which could be subject to
investigation under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.
Suharto himself has at least one strong legal shield: the presidential
decrees that laid the foundation for Suharto Inc. Former Finance Minister
Mar'ie Muhammad's anti-corruption watchdog, the Indonesian Transparency
Society, has labeled as illegal 79 of the 528 such orders issued between
1993 and May 21, 1998. Yet Suharto was careful to have each decree approved
by his rubber-stamp parliament, usually at the end of his five-year
presidential terms. Moreover, notes Juan Felix Tampubolon, one of Suharto's
lawyers, Indonesia has a statute of limitations on most offenses: "For every
crime he committed, if any, before 1981, the right to prosecute has expired
under the statutory period." For Suharto of Indonesia, that--along with $9
billion in an Austrian bank-- should offer considerable comfort in
retirement.
*With reporting by Zamira Loebis, Jason Tedjasukmana and Lisa Rose
Weaver/Jakarta, Laird Harrison/Los Angeles, Isabella Ng/Hong Kong, Kate
Noble/London and other bureaus*
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