From: Abie Dawjee [mailto:abie=rain.org...@mail113.us2.mcsv.net] 
The RAIN Newsletter: Sunday, January 06, 2013 11:10 AM
 
http://www.thenation.com/article/171591/shelf-life
 
Shelf Life   
Eyal Press
The Nation: December 4, 2012 
 Eyal Press is a Nation contributing writer and the author of Absolute
Convictions: My Father, a City, and the Conflict...
 
A decade ago, a Palestinian farmer approached an Israeli soldier stationed
in Qalqilya, a West Bank city located near the Green Line along the Israeli
border, with an urgent appeal. The farmer’s land was about to be bulldozed
to make way for Israel’s separation barrier, laying waste to his fig
orchard. “I planted this grove for ten years, I waited ten years for it to
bear fruit, I enjoyed it for one year, and now they’re uprooting it,” said
the farmer, fighting back tears. The tears soon started flowing, not because
the soldier was unsympathetic—watching the farmer break down as his trees
were felled was “heartbreaking,” he later said—but because his orders were
to protect the surveyors.
 
How degrading and demeaning has living under military occupation been to
Palestinians such as that farmer? The testimonies collected in Our Harsh
Logic: Israeli Soldiers’ Testimonies From the Occupied Territories,
2000–2010 (Metropolitan; $32), a volume of 145 interviews gathered by the
Israeli NGO Breaking the Silence, won’t tell you. What they will tell you,
in grim and granular detail, is how degrading and demeaning upholding the
occupation has been to Israelis. The book’s narrators are veterans of the
Israel Defense Forces who were sent to serve in the occupied territories in
the decade after the second intifada, ostensibly to prevent violent attacks
by Palestinians. The wave of violence that engulfed Israel a decade ago was
indeed calamitous, but anyone who thinks the IDF limits itself to
confiscating weapons and punishing terrorists when patrolling the occupied
territories would do well to consider what its own members say. “We go into
the houses of innocent people. Every day, all the time,” says one soldier.
Another describes tossing stun grenades into a village in the middle of the
day, a policy known as “demonstrating a presence” that, according to the
soldier, is often unconnected to a specific security threat and equally
routine.
 
None of these soldiers are named, and many were interviewed only after they
completed their military service, inviting the question of why, if they were
so bothered by such things, they didn’t speak out and identify themselves at
the time. One reason is that many weren’t bothered, owing to how habituated
and anesthetized they became while carrying out orders. “I didn’t get that I
was doing something wrong,” says a soldier whose unit set about wrecking the
streets of a neighborhood one day by driving armored Hummers over cars,
pulling out the passengers and beating them. “You could do whatever you like
and no one asked any questions.” Another says he is most disturbed by “the
things I have the privilege of doing on a daily basis and becoming immune
to.”
 
Invading houses, harassing civilians, destroying private property, opening
fire on unarmed targets: the blasé tone with which such acts are recounted
chillingly conveys what wielding absolute power over a civilian population
has done to an army that has long prided itself on its values. And yet that
power is not quite absolute. There are limits, as when a soldier patrolling
a neighborhood in Hebron spots a boy throwing a rock at another boy walking
with his father. “If an Arab boy picked up a rock against a Jewish boy, then
we’d probably have to handcuff him, blindfold him, send him wherever, follow
the orders,” he says. But on this occasion, the soldier does nothing, since
the perpetrator of the assault is a Jewish settler, whom he cannot threaten.
“Look what they’re doing to us,” says the father of the Palestinian boy who
was attacked. “Other than lower my head in shame, there’s nothing I can do,”
the soldier says.
 
A decade ago, such a story might well have induced shame in most Israelis.
This assumption is increasingly tenuous today. The Israeli left is small and
deflated. Having watched Hamas gain power in the Gaza Strip and Benjamin
Netanyahu’s popularity in Israel soar, many Israeli moderates have grown
apathetic and resigned. Other former moderates have drifted into the ranks
of the Israeli right, whose most strident members view the colonization of
the West Bank with pride. If their dream of annexing this territory is
realized, 69 percent of Jewish Israelis would deny granting Palestinians
voting rights, according to a recent survey conducted by Dialog, and 74
percent would support separate roads for Jews—in effect, an apartheid
system. Right-wing views increasingly pervade the IDF, where soldiers raised
in settlements and educated in yeshivas dominate many of the units in the
territories.
 
As Our Harsh Logic shows, the idea that there is nothing wrong with ruling
permanently over millions of people deprived of basic rights is not
universally shared in Israel. The book also shows the impressive freedom
Israelis have to speak out about things their government would prefer to
keep hushed. Yet here, too, there are worrisome signs. Like many Israeli
human rights organizations, Breaking the Silence, founded in 2004, has seen
the political climate turn increasingly inhospitable. In 2009, after the
group published a book of controversial testimonies on Operation Cast Lead—a
three-week invasion of the Gaza Strip that began in December 2008—Israel’s
Foreign Ministry called on Spain, the Netherlands and other foreign
governments to cut off funding for the organization. “There is no silence to
break,” complained Netanyahu. “What are they talking about?”
 
Yet if this book is any indication, the biggest challenge Breaking the
Silence faces today is not finding soldiers who will speak out or keeping
itself financially afloat; it is being heard. The act of bearing witness can
make an impact only if there is an audience, after all. What the soldiers in
Our Harsh Logic are talking about is a morally untenable situation that has
gone on for forty-five years. They have come forward to rouse the conscience
of their fellow citizens. But is anybody listening?
  _____  

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