Interesting thesis. 
 
The largest block to the development of class consciousness of the American 
 proletariat in the post WWII period was expansion of the system and what 
most  American Marxist call the "material bribery of the working class." 
 
The CPUSA was virtually destroyed during the 1950's "with hunts" and the  
halting of the trade union movement at the Mason Dixon line meant the Negro  
People Movement of that era evolved without a strong Southern labor base. 
 
The COI spent over $2 million dollars on "operation Dixie" and sent more  
than 200 organizers into 12 states. Operation Dixie was halted in 1953. 15% 
of  the textile workers had been organized. There would not be another major 
attempt  to unionize Southern textile workers until 1963 and the efforts at 
JP Stevens  would take another 17 years winning in 1980. 

The largest block to  organizing the workers and developing their class 
consciousness was not the  CPUSA but material conditions, although this is not 
to say the CPUSA had not  sold out to capital. 
 
There are other aspects to the CPUSA like Dr. James Jackson's liquidation  
of the revolutionary - Leninist conception, of the national-colonial 
question;  the isolation of Harry Haywood and Pettis Perry and the MOMENTARY 
blotting out  of Claudia Jones and James Allen writing on this issue. 
 
The last gasp of a revolutionary position on the Negro question was Gus  
Hall "Marxism and Negro Liberation." The copy in my hand is from 1954. Hall  
later repudiated this writing. 
 
Your insights are welcomed but I understand the history very different. The 
 literature I have complied tells a different story. 
 
Waistline 
 
 
In a message dated 1/20/2011 9:15:05 P.M. Eastern Standard Time, 
_intangibles@aphenomenal.com_ (mailto:intangib...@aphenomenal.com)   writes: 
 
What direction the U.S. working class takes at this moment is so important  
to the future of the world revolutionary movement because it possesses 
among its  ranks the most advanced experience of modern conditions of 
capitalist 
 production. But it desperately needs revolutionary theory and the last 
more than  a century of American pragmatic philosophy in all fields has blocked 
that  theoretical advance. The largest piece of that block was actually put 
in place  by Browder and his wrecking of the Party in his day.
 

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