http://sheikyermami.com/2011/09/12/no-speech-means-no-defence/

 


No speech Means No Defence


by sheikyermami on September 12, 2011

Andrew Bolt

Mark Steyn lists some extraordinary examples of the thought police at work,
and I wish I wasn't one of them:

In this anniversary week, it's sobering to reflect that one of the more
perverse consequences of 9/11 has been a remorseless assault on free speech
throughout the west. I regret to say that, in my new book, I predect this
trend will only accelerate in the years ahead.

The fun, such as it is, is in the examples, so read on
<http://www.steynonline.com/content/view/4409/26> . But the sting is in the
conclusion:

 if you let them take your right to free speech, how are you going to stop
them from taking all the others?

Update:  Let
<http://blogs.news.com.au/heraldsun/andrewbolt/index.php/heraldsun/comments/
lets_all_be_macedonian/> 's all be Macedonian

Do you have to be Macedonian to be free to speak?
<http://blogs.news.com.au/heraldsun/andrewbolt/index.php/heraldsun/comments/
column_at_least_our_macedonians_are_free>  Are only Anglo-Saxons racist?
For instance
<http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/opinion/the-price-we-pay-for-freedom-o
f-speech-depends-on-who-is-doing-the-speaking/story-fn72xczz-1226134288220> 

As John Milton wrote in his Areopagitica of 1644, "Give me the liberty to
know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all
liberties."

Or as an ordinary Canadian citizen said to me, after I testified in defense
of free speech to the Ontario parliament at Queen's Park, "Give me the right
to free speech, and I will use it to claim all my other rights."

Conversely, if you let them take your right to free speech, how are you
going to stop them from taking all the others?

Here's the whole thing:

Mark Steyn: <http://www.steynonline.com/content/view/4409/26>  Gagging us
softly

In this anniversary week, it's sobering to reflect that one of the more
perverse consequences of 9/11 has been a remorseless assault on free speech
throughout the west. I regret to say that, in my new book
<http://www.steynstore.com/product88.html> , I predect this trend will only
accelerate in the years ahead. The essay below was written as last week's
National Review cover story:

To be honest, I didn't really think much about "freedom of speech" until I
found myself the subject of three "hate speech" complaints in Canada in
2007. I mean I was philosophically in favor of it, and I'd been consistently
opposed to the Dominion's ghastly "human rights" commissions and their
equivalents elsewhere my entire adult life, and from time to time when an
especially choice example of politically correct enforcement came up I'd
whack it around for a column or two.

But I don't think I really understood how advanced the Left's assault on
this core Western liberty actually was. In 2008, shortly before my writing
was put on trial for "flagrant Islamophobia" in British Columbia, several
National Review readers e-mailed from the U.S. to query what the big deal
was. C'mon, lighten up, what could some "human rights" pseudo-court do? And
I replied that the statutory penalty under the British Columbia "Human
Rights" Code was that Maclean's, Canada's biggest-selling news weekly, and
by extension any other publication, would be forbidden henceforth to publish
anything by me about Islam, Europe, terrorism, demography, welfare,
multiculturalism, and various related subjects. And that this prohibition
would last forever, and was deemed to have the force of a supreme-court
decision. I would in effect be rendered unpublishable in the land of my
birth. In theory, if a job opened up for dance critic or gardening
correspondent, I could apply for it, although if the Royal Winnipeg Ballet
decided to offer Jihad: The Balletfor its Christmas season I'd probably have
to recuse myself.

And what I found odd about this was that very few other people found it odd
at all. Indeed, the Canadian establishment seems to think it entirely
natural that the Canadian state should be in the business of lifetime
publication bans, just as the Dutch establishment thinks it entirely natural
that the Dutch state should put elected leaders of parliamentary opposition
parties on trial for their political platforms, and the French establishment
thinks it appropriate for the French state to put novelists on trial for
sentiments expressed by fictional characters. Across almost all the Western
world apart from America, the state grows ever more comfortable with
micro-regulating public discourse-and, in fact, not-so-public discourse:
Lars Hedegaard, head of the Danish Free Press Society, has been tried, been
acquitted, had his acquittal overruled, and been convicted of "racism" for
some remarks about Islam's treatment of women made (so he thought) in
private but taped and released to the world. The Rev. Stephen Boissoin was
convicted of the heinous crime of writing a homophobic letter to his local
newspaper and was sentenced by Lori Andreachuk, the aggressive social
engineer who serves as Alberta's "human rights" commissar, to a lifetime
prohibition on uttering anything "disparaging" about homosexuality ever
again in sermons, in newspapers, on radio-or in private e-mails. Note that
legal concept: not "illegal" or "hateful," but merely "disparaging." Dale
McAlpine, a practicing (wait for it) Christian, was handing out leaflets in
the English town of Workington and chit-chatting with shoppers when he was
arrested on a "public order" charge by Constable Adams, a gay, lesbian,
bisexual, and transgender community-outreach officer. Mr. McAlpine had been
overheard by the officer to observe that homosexuality is a sin. "I'm gay,"
said Constable Adams. Well, it's still a sin, said Mr. McAlpine. So
Constable Adams arrested him for causing distress to Con stable Adams.

In fairness, I should add that Mr. McAlpine was also arrested for causing
distress to members of the public more generally, and not just to the
aggrieved gay copper. No member of the public actually complained, but, as
Constable Adams pointed out, Mr. McAlpine was talking "in a loud voice" that
might theoretically have been "overheard by others." And we can't have that,
can we? So he was fingerprinted, DNA-sampled, and tossed in the cells for
seven hours. When I was a lad, the old joke about the public toilets at
Piccadilly Circus was that one should never make eye contact with anyone in
there because the place was crawling with laughably unconvincing undercover
policemen in white polonecks itching to arrest you for soliciting gay sex.
Now they're itching to arrest you for not soliciting it.

In such a climate, time-honored national characteristics are easily
extinguished. A generation ago, even Britain's polytechnic Trots and
Marxists were sufficiently residually English to feel the industrial-scale
snitching by family and friends that went on in Communist Eastern Europe was
not quite cricket, old boy. Now England is Little Stasi-on-Avon, a land
where, even if you're well out of earshot of the gay-outreach officer, an
infelicitous remark in the presence of a co-worker or even co-playmate is
more than sufficient. Fourteen-year-old Codie Stott asked her teacher at
Harrop Fold High School whether she could sit with another group to do her
science project as in hers the other five pupils spoke Urdu and she didn't
understand what they were saying. The teacher called the police, who took
her to the station, photographed her, fingerprinted her, took DNA samples,
removed her jewelry and shoelaces, put her in a cell for three and a half
hours, and questioned her on suspicion of committing a Section Five "racial
public-order offence." "An allegation of a serious nature was made
concerning a racially motivated remark," declared the headmaster, Antony
Edkins. The school would "not stand for racism in any form." In a statement,
Greater Manchester Police said they took "hate crime" very seriously, and
their treatment of Miss Stott was in line with "normal procedure."

Indeed it was. And that's the problem. When I ran into my troubles up north,
a very few principled members of Canada's bien-pensants stood up to argue
that the thought police were out of control and the law needed to be reined
in. Among them was Keith Martin, a Liberal MP and himself a member of a
visible minority-or, as he put it, a "brown guy." For his pains, he and a
few other principled liberals were mocked by Warren Kinsella, a third-rate
spin-doctor for the Liberal party and a chap who fancies himself Canada's
James Carville. As Kin sella taunted these lonely defenders of freedom of
speech, how did it feel to be on the same side as Steyn . . . and
anti-Semites . . . and white supremacists? Eh, eh, how'd ya feel about that,
eh?

Mr. Kinsella was subsequently forced to make a groveling apology to "the
Chinese community" after making a joke about ordering the cat at his
favorite Chinese restaurant in Ottawa: Even the most censorious of
politically correct enforcers occasionally forget themselves and
accidentally behave like normal human beings. But, before the Chinese cat
got his tongue, the Liberal hack was, like so many of his ilk, missing the
point: "Free speech" doesn't mean "the brown guy" is on the same side as the
"white supremacists." It means he recognizes that the other fellow is
entitled to have a side. By contrast, Canada's "human rights" commissions
and Britain's gay-outreach officer and Europe's various public prosecutors
seem to think there should be only one side of the debate, and they're ever
more comfortable in arguing for that quite openly.

Thus, after Anders Breivik gunned down dozens of his fellow Norwegians, just
about the only angle on the story that got the Western Left's juices going
was the opportunity it afforded to narrow the parameters of public discourse
even more. They gleefully fell on his 1,500-page "manifesto," wherein he
cites me, John Derbyshire, Bernard Lewis, Theodore Dalrymple, and various
other names familiar round these parts. He also cites Winston Churchill,
Thomas Jefferson, Mahatma Gandhi, Mark Twain, Hans Christian Andersen, and
my leftie com patriot Naomi Klein, the "No Logo" gal and a columnist forThe
Nation in the U.S. and the Guardian in Britain. Just for the record, my name
appears four times, Miss Klein's appears four times.

Yet the British, Canadian, Australian, European, and American Left-and more
than a few likeminded Americans-rose as one to demand restraints on a very
narrow sliver of Anders Breivik's remarkably-what's the word?-diverse
reading material.

"I cannot understand that you think that it is fine for people to go out and
say we should kill all Muslims," sighed Tanya Plibersek, the Australian
minister for human services, on a panel discussion, "and that that has no
real effect in the world." Because, after all, calling for the killing of
all Muslims is what I and Bernard Lewis and Theodore Dalrymple and Naomi
Klein and Hans Christian Andersen do all day long.

She was addressing Brendan O'Neill, a beleaguered defender of free speech on
a show where the host, the guests, the studio audience, and the
post-broadcast tweeters were all lustily in favor of state regulation, and
not of human acts but of opinions. And not just for inciters of Norwegian
nutters, but for Rupert Murdoch, too. To one degree or another, they were
also in favor of the government's taking action to whip the media into line.
Into line with what? Well, with the government, presumably. Whether or not
they'll get their way Down Under, in London the British state is being
actively urged to regulate the content of the press for the first time in
four centuries.

How did we get to this state of affairs? When my travails in Canada began,
somebody reminded me of an ob servation by the American writer Heywood
Broun: "Everybody favors free speech in the slack moments when no axes are
being ground." I think that gets it exactly backwards. It was precisely at
the moment when no axes were being ground that the West decided it could
afford to forgo free speech. There was a moment 40 or so years ago when it
appeared as if all the great questions had been settled: There would be no
more Third Reichs, no more fascist regimes, no more anti-Semitism; advanced
social democracies were heading inevitably down a one-way sunlit avenue into
the peaceable kingdom of multiculturalism; and so it seemed to a certain
mindset entirely reasonable to introduce speech codes and thought crimes
essentially as a kind of mopping-up operation. Canada's "human rights"
tribunals were originally created to deal with employment and housing
discrimination, but Cana dians aren't terribly hateful and there wasn't a
lot of that, so they advanced to prosecuting "hate speech." It was an
illiberal notion harnessed supposedly in the cause of liberalism: A handful
of neo-Nazi losers in rented rooms in basements are leaving Xeroxed
white-supremacist flyers in payphones? Hey, relax, we'll hunt down the
extremist fringe losers and ensure they'll trouble you no further. Just a
few recalcitrant knuckledraggers who decline to get with the beat. Don't
give 'em a thought. Nothing to see here, folks.

When you accept that the state has the right to criminalize Holocaust
denial, you are conceding an awful lot. I don't just mean on the specific
point: The Weimar Republic was a veritable proto-Trudeaupia of "hate speech"
laws. In the 15 years before the Nazis came to power, there were over 200
prosecutions for "anti-Semitic speech" in Germany-and a fat lot of good it
did. But more important than the practical uselessness of such laws is the
assumption you're making: You're accepting that the state, in ruling one
opinion out of bounds, will be content to stop there.

As is now clear, it isn't. Restrictions on freedom of speech undermine the
foundations of justice, including the bedrock principle: equality before the
law. When it comes to free expression, Britain, Canada, Australia, and
Europe are ever less lands of laws and instead lands of men-and women,
straights and gays, Muslims and infidels-whose rights before the law vary
according to which combination of these various identity groups they belong
to.

Appearing at a Van couver comedy club, Guy Earle found himself obliged to
put down a couple of drunken hecklers. Had he said what he said to me or to
Jonah Goldberg, we would have had no legal redress. Alas for him, he said it
to two drunken hecklers of the lesbian persuasion, so they accused him of
putting them down homophobically and he was fined $15,000. Had John
O'Sullivan and Kathryn Lopez chanced to be strolling by the Driftwood Beach
Bar on the Isle of Wight when, in the course of oldies night, Simon Ledger
performed "Kung Fu Fighting," they would have had no grounds for complaint,
even if he'd done the extended dance remix. However, the passersby in
question were Chinese, and so Mr. Ledger was arrested for racism.

In such a world, words have no agreed meaning. "There were funky Chinamen
from funky Chinatown" is legal or illegal according to whosoever happens to
hear it. Indeed, in my very favorite example of this kind of thinking, the
very same words can be proof of two entirely different hate crimes. Iqbal
Sacranie is a Muslim of such exemplary "moderation" he's been knighted by
the Queen. The head of the Muslim Council of Britain, Sir Iqbal was
interviewed on the BBC and expressed the view that homosexuality was
"immoral," was "not acceptable," "spreads disease," and "damaged the very
foundations of society." A gay group complained and Sir Iqbal was
investigated by Scotland Yard's "community safety unit" for "hate crimes"
and "homophobia."

Independently but simultaneously, the magazine of GALHA (the Gay and Lesbian
Humanist Association) called Islam a "barmy doctrine" growing "like a
canker" and deeply "homophobic." In return, the London Race Hate Crime Forum
asked Scotland Yard to investigate GALHA for "Islamophobia."

Got that? If a Muslim says that Islam is opposed to homosexuality, Scotland
Yard will investigate him for homophobia; but if a gay says that Islam is
opposed to homosexuality, Scotland Yard will investigate him for
Islamophobia.

Two men say exactly the same thing and they're investigated for different
hate crimes. On the other hand, they could have sung "Kung Fu Fighting" back
and forth to each other all day long and it wouldn't have been a crime
unless a couple of Chinese passersby walked in the room.

If you're not gay or Muslim or Chinese, you're maybe wondering to yourself:
How can I get a piece of the action? After all, if the state creates a human
right to be offended and extends it only to members of certain interest
groups, it is quite naturally incentivizing membership in those interest
groups. Andrew Bolt, Australia's leading columnist, was struck by the very
noticeable non-blackness of so many prominent Aussie "blacks" and wrote a
couple of columns on the theme of identity-group opportunism. He's now been
dragged into court and denounced as a "racist"-"racism" having degenerated
into a term for anyone who so much as broaches the subject. But, if the law
confers particular privileges on members of approved identity groups, how we
define the criteria for membership of those groups is surely a legitimate
subject for public debate.

One of the great strengths of common law has been its general antipathy
toward group rights-because the ultimate minority is the individual. The
minute you have collective rights, you require dramatically enhanced state
power to me diate the hierarchy of different victim groups. In a world of
Islamophobic gays, homophobic Muslims, and white blacks, it is tempting to
assume the whole racket will collapse under the weight of its own absurdity.

Instead, the law increasingly bends to those who mean it the most. In some
of the oldest free societies in the world, the state is not mediating speech
in order to assure social tranquility, but rather torturing logic and law
and liberty in ever more inane ways in order to accommodate those who might
be tempted to express their grievances in non-speechy ways. Consider the
case of Elisabeth Sabaditsch-Wolff, a Viennese housewife who has lived in
several Muslim countries. She was hauled into an Austrian court for calling
Mohammed a pedophile on the grounds that he consummated his marriage when
his bride, Aisha, was nine years old. Mrs. Sabbaditsch-Wolff was found
guilty and fined 480 euros. The judge's reasoning was fascinating:
"Pedophilia is factually incorrect, since paedophilia is a sexual preference
which solely or mainly is directed towards children. Nevertheless, it does
not apply to Mohammad. He was still married to Aisha when she was 18."

Ah, gotcha. So, under Austrian law, you're not a pedophile if you deflower
the kid in fourth grade but keep her around till high school. There's a
useful tip if you're planning a hiking holiday in the Alps this fall. Or is
this another of those dispensations that is not of universal application?

Western governments have gone far too far down this path already. "The lofty
idea of 'the war on racism' is gradually turning into a hideously false
ideology," the French philosopher Alain Finkielkraut said in 2005. "And this
anti-racism will be for the 21st century what Communism was for the 20th
century: a source of violence." Just so. Let us accept for the sake of
argument that racism is bad, that homophobia is bad, that Islamophobia is
bad, that offensive utterances are bad, that mean-spirited thoughts are bad.
So what?

As bad as they are, the government's criminalizing all of them and setting
up an enforcement regime in the interests of micro-regulating us into
compliance is a thousand times worse. If that's the alternative, give me
"Kung Fu Fighting" sung by Mohammed's nine-year-old bride while putting down
two lesbian hecklers sending back the Cat of the Day in a Chinese
restaurant.

As John Milton wrote in his Areopagitica of 1644, "Give me the liberty to
know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above all
liberties."

Or as an ordinary Canadian citizen said to me, after I testified in defense
of free speech to the Ontario parliament at Queen's Park, "Give me the right
to free speech, and I will use it to claim all my other rights."

Conversely, if you let them take your right to free speech, how are you
going to stop them from taking all the others?

from National Review

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