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http://www.commondreams.org/views07/0118-20.htm

Life on the Plantation
by Bill Moyers

Delivered to the Media Reform Conference, Memphis, TN - January 12, 2007

(continued)

So I’m back now where I started – and with you – will travel where the
movement is headed. The greatest challenge to the plantation mentality of
the media giants is the innovation and expression made possible by the
digital revolution. I may still prefer the newspaper for its investigative
journalism and in-depth analysis but we now have in our hands the means to
tell a different story than big media tells. Our story. The other story of
America that says free speech is not just corporate speech, that news is
not just chattel in the field, living the bossman’s story. This is the
real gift of the digital revolution. The Internet, cell phones and digital
cameras that can transmit images over the Internet, make possible a nation
of story tellers…every citizen a Tom Paine. Let the man in the big house
on Pennsylvania Avenue think that over. And the woman of the House on
Capitol Hill. And the media moguls in their chalets at Sun Valley,
gathered to review the plantation’s assets and multiply them; nail it to
the door– they no longer own the copyright to America’s story– it’s not a
top-down story anymore. Other folks are going to write the story from the
ground up and the truth will be out, that the media plantation, like the
cotton plantation of old, is not divinely sanctioned, and it’s not the
product of natural forces; the media system we have been living under was
created behind closed doors, where the power brokers meet to divvy up the
spoils.

Bob McChesney has eloquently reminded us through the years how each medium
–radio, television, and cable– was hailed as a technology that would give
us greater diversity of voices, serious news, local programs and lots of
public service for the community. In each the advertisers took over.
Despite what I teasingly told you in St. Louis the last time we were
together, the star that shined so brightly in the firmament the year I was
born –1934– did not, I regret to say, appear above that little house in
Hugo, Oklahoma. It appeared over Washington when Congress enacted the
Communications Act of 1934. One hundred times in that cornerstone or our
communication policy you will read the phrase “public interest,
convenience and necessity.” Educators, union officials, religious leaders,
parents were galvanized by the promise of radio as “a classroom for the
air,” serving the life of the country and the life of the mind. Then the
media lobby cut a deal with the government to make certain nothing would
threaten the already vested-interests of powerful radio networks and the
advertising industry. Soon the public largely forgot about radio’s promise
as we accepted the entertainment produced and controlled by Jell-o,
Maxwell House, and Camel cigarettes. What happened to radio, happened to
television and then to cable, and if we are not diligent, it will happen
to the Internet.

Powerful forces are at work now – determined to create our media future
for the benefit of the plantation: investors, advertisers, owners, and the
parasites that depend on their indulgence, including much of the governing
class. Old media acquire new media, and vice versa. Rupert Murdoch,
forever savvy about the next key outlet that will attract eyeballs,
purchased MySpace, spending nearly $600 million so he could (in the words
of how Wall Street views new media) “monetize” those eyeballs. Google
became a partner in Time Warner, investing one billion in its AOL online
service, and now Google has bought YouTube so it would have a better
vehicle for delivering interactive ads for Madison Avenue. Viacom,
Microsoft, large ad agencies, and others, have been buying key media
properties – many of them the leading online sites. The result will be a
thoroughly commercialized environment – a media plantation for the 21st
century dominated by the same corporate and ideological forces that have
produced the system we have today.

So what do we do? Well, you’ve shown us what we have to do. Twice now
you’ve shown us what we can do. Four years ago when FCC Chairman Michael
Powell and his ideological side-kicks decided that it was OK if a single
corporation owned a community’s major newspaper, three of its TV stations,
eight radio stations, its cable TV system, and its major broadband
Internet provider, you said, “Enough’s enough.” Free Press, Common Cause,
Consumers Union, Media Access Project, the National Association for
Hispanic Journalists, and others, working closely with Commissioners
Adelstein and Copps– two of the most public-spirited men ever to serve on
the FCC – and began organizing public hearings across the country. People
spoke up about how poorly the media was serving their communities. You
flooded Congress with petitions. You never let up, and when the Court said
Powell had to back off, the decision cited the importance of involving the
public in these media decisions. Incidentally, Powell not only backed off,
he backed out. He left the commission to become “senior advisor” at a
“private investment firm specializing in equity investments in media
companies around the world.” That firm, by the way, made a bid to take
over both the Tribune and Clear Channel, two mega-media companies that
just a short time ago were under the corporate friendly purview of…you
guessed it…Michael Powell. That whishing sound you hear is Washington’s
perpetually revolving door, through which they come to serve the public
and through which they leave to join the plantations.

You made a difference. You showed the public cares about media and
democracy. You turned a little publicized vote on a seemingly arcane
regulation into a big political fight and public debate. Now, it’s true as
Commissioner Copps has reminded us, since that battle three years ago,
there have been more than 3,300 TV and radio stations that have had their
assignment and transfer grants approved. “So that even under the old
rules, consolidation grows, localism suffers and diversity dwindles.” It’s
also true, too, that even as we speak Michael Powell’s successor, Kevin
Martin, put there by President Bush, is ready to take up where Powell left
off and give the green light to more conglomeration. Get ready to fight.
Inside the beltway plantation the media thought this largest
telecommunications merger in our history was on a fast track for approval.

But then you did it again more recently – you lit a fire under people to
put Washington on notice that it had to guarantee the Internet’s First
Amendment protection in the $85 billion merger of AT&T and Bell South.
Because of you, the so-called “Internet neutrality” – I much prefer to
call it the “equal access” provision of the Internet – became a public
issue that once again reminded the powers-that-be that people want the
media to foster democracy. This is crucial because in a few years
virtually all media will be delivered by high speed broadband, and without
equality of access, the net could become just like cable television, where
the provider decides what you see and what you pay. After all, the Bush
department of justice had blessed the deal last October without a single
condition or statement of concern. But they hadn’t reckoned with Michael
Copps and Jonathan Adelstein, and hadn’t reckoned with this movement.
FreePress and SavetheInternet.com orchestrated 800 organizations, a
million and a half petitions, countless local events, legions of homemade
videos, smart collaboration with allies in industry, and a topshelf
communications campaign. Who would have imagined that sitting together in
the same democratic broadband pew would be the Christian Coalition, Gun
Owners of America, Common Cause, and MoveOn.org? Who would have imagined
that these would link arms with some of the most powerful “new media”
companies to fight for the Internet’s First Amendment ground? We owe a tip
of the hat, of course, to Republican Commissioner Robert McDowell. Despite
what must have been a great deal of pressure from his side, he did the
honorable thing and rescued himself from the proceedings because of a
conflict of interest. So AT&T had to cry “uncle” to Copps and Adelstein
with a “voluntary commitment” to honor equal access for at least two
years. The agreement marks the first time that the Federal government has
imposed true neutrality –oops equality– requirements on an Internet access
provider since the debate erupted almost two years ago. I believe you
changed the terms of the debate. It is no longer about whether equality of
access will govern the future of the Internet; it’s about when and how. It
also signals a change from defense to offence for the backers of an open
Net. Arguably the biggest, most effective online organizing campaign ever
conducted on a media issue can now turn to passing good laws rather than
always having to fight to block bad ones. Senator Byron Dorgan, a
Democrat, and Senator Olympia Snowe, a Republican, introduced the Internet
Freedom Preservation Act in January of 2007, to require fair and equitable
access to all content. And over in the House, those champions of the
public interest – Ed Markey and Maurice Hinchley– will be leading the
fight.

But a caveat here. Those other folks don’t give up so easily. Remember,
this agreement is only for two years, and they’ll be back with all the
lobbyists money can hire. Furthermore, consider what AT&T got in the
bargain. For giving up on neutrality, it got the green light from
government to dominate over 67 million phone lines in 22 states, almost 12
million broadband users, and total control over Cingular wireless, the
country’s largest mobile phone company with 58 million cell phone users.
It’s as if China swallowed India.

I bring this up for a reason. Big media is ravenous. It never gets enough,
it always wants more. And it will stop at nothing to get it. These are
imperial conglomerates. Last week on his Web site mediachannel.org, Danny
Schecter, recalled how some years ago he marched with a band of media
activists to the headquarters of all the big media companies concentrated
in the Times Square area. Their formidable buildings, fronted with logos
and limos and guarded by rent-a-cops, projected their power and prestige.
Danny and his cohorts chanted and held up signs calling for honest news
and an end to exploitative programming. They called for diversity and
access for more perspectives. “It felt good,” Danny said, but “seemed like
a fool’s errand. We were ignored, patronized, and marginalized. We
couldn’t shake their edifices or influence their holy ‘business models’;
we seemed to many like that lonely and forlorn nut in a New Yorker cartoon
carrying an ‘end of the world is near’ placard.”

Well, yes, that’s exactly how they want us to feel – as if media and
democracy is a fool’s errand. To his credit, Danny didn’t buy it. He’s
never given up. Neither have some of the earlier pioneers in this movement
– Andy Schwartzman, Don Hazen, Jeff Chester. Let me confess that I came
very close to not making this speech today, in favor of just getting up
here and reading from this book – Digital Destiny, by my friend and
co-conspirator, Jeff Chester. Take my word for it: Make this your bible.
As Don Hazen writes in his review on Alternet this week, it’s a terrific
book – “A respectful, loving, fresh, intimate comprehensive history of the
struggles for a ‘democratic media’ – the lost fights, the opportunities
missed, and the small victories that have kept the corporate media system
from having complete carte blanche over the communications channel.”

It’s also a terrifying book, because Jeff describes how “we are being
shadowed online by a slew of software digital gumshoes working for Madison
Avenue. Our movements in cyberspace are closely tracked and analyzed. And
interactive advertising infiltrates our unconsciousness to promote the
‘brandwashing of America.’” Jeff asks the hard questions: do we really
want television sets that monitor what we watch? Or an Internet that knows
what sites we visit and reports back to advertising companies? Do we
really want a media system designed mainly for advertisers?

But this is also a hopeful book. After scaring the bejeepers out of us, as
one reviewer wrote, Jeff offers a “policy agenda for the broadcast era.”
Here’s a man who practices what the Italian philosopher Gramsci called
“the pessimism of the intellect and the optimism of the will.” He sees the
world as it is, without rose-colored glasses, and tries to change it
despite what he knows. So you’ll find here the core of this movement’s
mission. Media reform, yes. But as the Project in Excellence concluded in
its State of the Media Report for 2006, “At many old-media companies,
though not all, the decades-long battle at the top between idealists and
accountants is now over. The idealists have lost.” The commercial networks
are lost, too – lost to silliness, farce, cowardice, and ideology. Not
much hope there. Can’t raise the dead.

Policy reform, yes. “But,” says Jeff, “we will likely see more
consolidation of ownership, with newspapers, TV stations, and major online
properties in fewer hands.” So we have to find other ways to ensure the
public has access to diverse, independent, and credible sources of
information. That means going to the market to find support for stronger
independent media; Michael Moore and others have proved progressivism
doesn’t have to equal penury. It means helping protect news gathering from
predatory forces. It means fighting for more participatory media,
hospitable to a full range of expression. It means building on Lawrence
Lessig’s notion of the creative common and Brewster Kahle’s Internet
archives with its philosophy of universal access to all knowledge.” It
means bringing broadband service to those many millions of Americans too
poor to participate in the digital revolution. It means ownership for
women and people of color. It means reclaiming public broadcasting and
restoring it to its original feisty, robust, fearless mission as an
alternative to the dominant media, offering journalism you can’t ignore –
public affairs of which you’re a part, and a wide range of civic and
cultural discourse that leaves no one out; you can have an impact here. We
need to remind people that the Federal commitment to public broadcasting
in this country is about $1.50 per capita compared to $28-$85 per capita
in other democracies.

But there’s something else you can do. In moments of reverie, I imagine
all of you returning home to organize a campaign to persuade your local
public television station to start airing Amy Goodman’s broadcast of
Democracy NOW! I can’t think of a single act more likely to remind people
of what public broadcasting should be – or that this media reform movement
really means business. We’ve got to get alternative content out there to
people or this country’s going to die of too many lies. And the opening
run down of news on Amy’s daily show is like nothing else on television,
corporate or public. It’s as if you opened the window and a fresh breeze
rolls over you from the ocean. Amy doesn’t practice trickle-down
journalism. She goes where the silence is, she breaks the sound barrier.
She doesn’t buy the Washington protocol that says the truth lies somewhere
on the spectrum of opinion between the Democrats and Republicans– on
Democracy NOW the truth lies where the facts are hidden, and Amy digs for
them. And she believes the media should be a sanctuary for dissent…the
Underground Railroad tunneling beneath the plantation. So go home and
think about it. After all you are the public in public broadcasting; you
can get the bossman in the big house at the local station to listen.

Meanwhile, be vigilant about what happens in Congress. Track it day by day
and post what you learn far and wide. Because the decisions made in this
session of Congress will affect the future of all media – corporate and
non commercial – and if we lose the future now, we’ll never get it back.

So you have your work cut out for you. I’m glad you’re all younger than
me, and up to it. I’m glad so many funders are here, because while an army
may move on its stomach, this movement requires hard, cold cash to compete
with big media in getting the attention of Congress and the public.

I’ll try to do my part. Last time we were together, I said to you that I
should put detractors on notice. They just might compel me out of the
rocking chair and back into the anchor chair. Well, in April I will be
back with a new weekly series called Bill Moyers Journal. I hope to
complement the fine work of colleagues like David Brancaccio of NOW and
David Fanning of Frontline, who also go for the truth behind the news.

But I don’t want to tease you – I’m not coming back because of my
detractors. I wouldn’t torture them that way (I’ll leave that to Dick
Cheney.) I’m coming back because I believe television can still signify.
And I don’t want you to feel so alone.

I’ll keep an eye on your work. You are to America what the abolition
movement was, and the suffragette movement, and the Civil Rights movement
– you touch the soul of democracy.

It’s not assured you’ll succeed in this fight. The armies of the Lord are
up against mighty hosts. But as the spiritual leader Sojourner Thomas
Merton wrote to an activist grown weary and discouraged while protesting
the Vietnam War…”Do not depend on the hope of results…concentrate on the
value…and the truth of the work itself.”

And in case you do get lonely, I’ll leave you with this:

As my plane was circling Memphis the other day I looked out across those
vast miles of fertile soil that once were plantations watered by the
Mississippi River and the sweat from the brow of countless men and women
who had been forced to live someone else’s story. I thought about how in
time they rose up, one here, then two, then many, forging a great movement
that awakened America’s conscience and brought us close to the elusive but
beautiful promise of the Declaration on Independence. As we made our last
approach to land, the words of a Marge Piercy poem began to form in my
head, and I remembered all over again why we were coming here:

What can they do
to you? Whatever they want.
They can set you up, they can
bust you, they can break
your fingers, they can
burn your brain with electricity,
blur you with drugs till you
can’t walk, can’t remember, they can
take your child, wall up
your lover. They can do anything
you can’t stop them
from doing. How can you stop
them? Alone, you can fight,
you can refuse, you can
take what revenge you can
but they roll over you.

But two people fighting
back to back can cut through
a mob, a snake-dancing file
can break a cordon, an army
can meet an army.

Two people can keep each other
sane, can give support, conviction,
love, massage, hope, sex.
Three people are a delegation,
a committee, a wedge. With four
you can play bridge and start
an organization. With six
you can rent a whole house,
eat pie for dinner with no
seconds, and hold a fund raising party.
A dozen make a demonstration.
A hundred fill a hall.
A thousand have solidarity and your own newsletter;
ten thousand, power and your own paper;
a hundred thousand, your own media;
ten million, your own country.

It goes on one at a time,
it starts when you care
to act, it starts when you do
it again after they said no,
it starts when you say We
and know who you mean, and each
day you mean one more.

>From The Moon Is Always Female, by Marge Piercy
Copyright (c) 1980 by Marge Piercy


Bill Moyers, Chairman of the Schumann Center for Media and Democracy
delivered these remarks at the Media Reform Conference on January 12, 2007
in Memphis, Tennessee.
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