---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Fri, 08 Dec 1995 13:19:22 +0100
From: x <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: French movement situation
The situation in France is now undoubtedly the biggest social crisis since
May 68. Yesterday was a new action day, and the struggle were bigger than
ever. There was 2 million strikers (at the peak of the strike in May68,
there were ten million strikers). The education workers are beginning a
reconducible strike, and it has been very massive yesterday. The railway
and french undergrounds are continuing, and they enter their third week of
strike, with an intact determination. The post and telephone enter the 2nd
week, and new sectors are coming in, like banks. The strike is also very
important in electricity (strikers put the price of electricity at night
hours) and gaz. The private sector seems to begin to move, but remains
shy. Nevertheless, the strike remains popular (60% approve the strike,
according to a poll). It seems to be a strike by procuration: the private
sector approves the strike, for fighting austerity politics since 15
years, but the fear of unemployment prevents private workers (for the
moment) to come into. Some private plants have nevertheless begun, like
TAT-express in Rennes (a private post).
The demonstrations were impressive: 1 million people at leats, in all
France, in more than 300 towns (French population: 55-60 millions). The
demonstrations were in a lot of places bigger than in May68. 100 thousand
in Marseille (the unemployed were leading the demonstration), 70 thousand
in Lyon, only 50 thousand in Paris, but with massive demonstrations in all
the suburbs. 35 thousand in Rouen, comparable only to June36. The most
popular slogan in the demonstrations was to ask "Juppe resigns". The
fighting spirit is very high, and the retreat of the plan seems to be a
minimum.
Even if the private sector does not enter, the paralisy of transports and
post begin to make effect, and the necessity of going out is quite clear
for the bourgeoisie. If schools close, and they have begun, people won't
go to work for keeping care of children.
A weak point is the auto-organization of the strike. There does not seem
to be important strike committees (except in Lorient (20000 demonstrators
for a population of 60000, and with a 10000 demonstration in the neighbour
town Vannes). The reason is that for the moment hte trade-union directions
(specially CGT) are quite combative, except the direction of CFDT (which
approves the plan, Nicole Notat has even proposed to negotiate a minimum
service transport). If they try to begin negotiations, without retiring
the plan, they're will be a clash with the basis rank and file strikers.
Another weak point is the fact that students seem to stop their movement,
and the junction has not been very deep.
For the moment, the government seems to play very badly. They begin to
retreat on the problem of public workers retirements, but it seems to be
too late for stopping the movement. They seem to have chosen the clash,
for breaking trade-unions in their last important sector, the public
services (something like Thatcher attack in 1984). The bourgeoisie must
also make reductions in public expenses because of their strategic choice
of economic union with germany, and the policy of a franc united with the
mark. Until a few days, it seemed that the bourgeoisie was unanimous, but
Wednesday, Charles Pasqua, a populist, ex-member of govenment Balladur,
euro-sceptic, has asked for another politic. He places itself as a
recourse for implementing another politic of the bourgeoisie, breaking the
links between german and french currency. It is a sign of division of the
bourgeoisie, and of the fear of the right, behind the social movement.
What can happen? It seems that the movement can win a retirement of the
Juppe plan, and a resignation of Juppe Prime Minister, and maybe more, on
the retirement policy in private sectors, or the wages. It would be the
first victory against austerity politics in 20 years, and, as such, an
incredible encouragement for other struggles (like in Italy or Belgium).
The paralisy of the economy begins to be so important (in Paris mainly)
that the government must do something. The movement seems to install
itself in the long term, with national subscriptions. A danger is a
backstab of trade-unions bureaucracy, but they are for the moment afraid
of rank and file members.
I repeat myself, hence I stop.
I'll add that all of the above is my opinion and not an official opinion
of any organization I belong to.
Bye,
Yves-Marie
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