edited version see: http://home.snafu.de/watchin/AideMemoire_Impunity05.htm

January 31st, 2005

Watch Indonesia! - Deutsche Kommission Justitia et Pax - Misereor 
-missio - Diakonie

Aide-Mémoire
61st Session of the UN Commission on Human Rights
14th March to 22nd April 2005

Prosecuting International Crimes
UN should rethink justice initiative and bring impunity in East Timor to 
an end

The failed justice process

Five years after the UN-sponsored Popular Consultation on the question 
of independence and the end of Indonesia’s brutal occupation of East 
Timor the process of bringing those to justice who are responsible for 
crimes against humanity committed on the territory of East Timor in 1999 
has stalled. Neither the ad hoc Human Rights Court in Jakarta nor the 
UN-sponsored court system in East Timor have been able to hold those 
accountable who bear the greatest responsibility. Justice for East Timor 
remains elusive. The credibility of UN engagement to end impunity for 
the most serious international crimes is on the line, as is the 
development for the respect for the rule of law within Indonesia and 
East Timor.

The gross violations of human rights perpetrated in East Timor in 1999 
by pro-Indonesian militias supervised and supported by the Indonesian 
military have been on the agenda of the UN Commission on Human Rights 
(UNCHR) more than once. In Article 16 of the Security Council Resolution 
1272 (1999) of October 25, 1999 1, which established the mandate of 
UNTAET (United Nations Transitional Administration for East Timor), the 
Security Council requested that the persons responsible for the 
atrocities should be brought to justice. Immediately after the blood 
bath in September 1999 the UNCHR held a special session - the fourth in 
the history of the Commission - and adopted a resolution requesting the 
Secretary General (SG) to establish an International Commission of 
Inquiry. This Commission recommended that the extensive violence merits 
the establishment of an international tribunal.


The ad hoc Human Rights Court in Jakarta: unwilling

Repeatedly, the Government of Indonesia has committed itself, vis-à-vis 
the UNCHR, to bring those responsible to justice. In the meantime, in 
almost all the cases, which had been brought before the ad hoc Human 
Rights Court in Jakarta (involving a total of only 18 defendants), a 
final verdict has been issued. Of the six defendants who had been 
convicted, only the former Governor of East Timor, Abilio Soares, had to 
spend a few weeks in prison, before the Supreme Court overturned his 
sentence and he himself was acquitted. The 10- year prison term handed 
down to the militia leader Eurico Guterres has already been halved; his 
trial is the only one still continuing, whereby, pending appeal, 
Guterres remains free. Major General Adam Damiri, the highest-ranking 
Indonesian military officer among the defendants, was sentenced to three 
years in prison after his trial in the court of first instance; his 
conviction has also been overturned, with the court of last instance 
stipulating his acquittal. The fact that some of the accused were 
actually convicted is attributable to the courage and competence of a 
handful of judges who applied the law despite the obvious lack of 
strategy on part of the prosecution. Next to the low turnout of 
convictions, the judgments of the Jakarta Court do not reflect the 
actual nature of the crimes committed and the responsibility of the 
military. The crimes are portrayed as being part of spontaneously 
erupted violence between two rival groups of society in East Timor. The 
de facto control of the TNI over the militias was not addressed during 
the trials.

The Prosecution failed to indict some of the most prominent suspects 
such as General Wiranto, former Minister of Defence and 
Commander-in-Chief of the Indonesian Armed Forces (Tentara Nasional 
Indonesia), and Joao Tavares, the former Commander-in-Chief of the militias.

This culture of impunity, of which this case is a powerful illustration, 
is not only a serious violation of human rights. By acquiescing to such 
blatant disregard for decisions of the Security Council and 
recommendations of the UNCHR, the credibility of the UN itself is also 
at stake.


The Serious Crimes Unit in Dili: unable

In East Timor the Serious Crimes Unit and the Special Panels for Serious 
Crimes established by the United Nations have made a tremendous 
contribution to justice for past crimes. The prosecutors of the Serious 
Crimes Unit have indicted up to 400 individuals. 70 have received prison 
sentences. However, due to a lack of cooperation on part of Indonesia’s 
authorities, East Timor’s Government and the United Nations the Court in 
Dili has been unable to put on trial those among the Indonesian military 
and administration bearing the greatest responsibility for the crimes. 
This situation creates, among the East Timorese population, the 
impression of unfair treatment of low-level East Timorese perpetrators.

Furthermore, the UN- sponsored prosecutors and judges must terminate 
their work in May 2005 as part of the completion strategy authorised by 
the Security Council. This means that almost half the murder cases will 
not have been investigated. With the termination of the work of the 
Special Panels the justice process will undoubtedly be considered a 
failed endeavour of international justice.

The solution cannot be to simply shut down the existing UN court system 
in East Timor. The mandate of the Special Panels has not been fulfilled 
yet. The UN is under an obligation to either reform the existing justice 
system or to establish new and more viable mechanisms. Therefore, the 
UNCHR should address these pressing concerns and make recommendations on 
how the justice process can be improved in the future. We propose that 
the UNCHR take the following options into account.


The Need for a UN-Commission of Experts

The Secretary-General has stressed his commitment to accountability for 
international crimes. On several occasions, the SG has expressed his 
willingness to establish an independent Commission of Experts to review 
the justice failures in East Timor and Indonesia and to advise him on 
the best options to ensure accountability. We strongly urge the UNCHR to 
support the Secretary General in this important initiative by making a 
recommendation in this regard and by offering expertise and cooperation 
in the creation of this expert body.


Indonesia – East Timor Truth and Friendship Commission

In December 2004 the governments of Indonesia and East Timor announced 
to establish a common Truth and Friendship Commission as an alternative 
to the justice process and notified the SG of their plans. This proposal 
is strongly opposed by civil society and human rights organisations in 
East Timor and Indonesia because it is feared that this Commission will 
result in a whitewash of the past.

We share their concerns about this proposal because it denies victims 
the essential right to justice and perpetuates impunity. It allows 
Indonesia to go scot-free after failing to pursue its obligations to 
genuinely prosecute criminals. It denies the value of the several 
authoritative accounts that already exist or are being finalized, such 
as the Final Report of the Timorese Reception, Truth and Reconciliation 
Commission (CAVR), which will be submitted before the CAVR is dissolved 
on 7. July 2005. In addition, this mechanism would rule out UN 
engagement. As the UN initiated and controlled the justice process in 
East Timor it has a fundamental interest in preventing its failure. The 
UN should stay involved and ensure that the negative legacy of its 
justice endeavours be corrected. An international expert commission 
would allow the UN to evaluate its justice process and supply the basis 
on how to proceed through expert advice. Timorese governmental support 
for this Truth and Friendship Commission is not an insurmountable 
obstacle, as continued UN engagement would free East Timor’s government 
from pressure by its powerful neighbour.


Judicial Solutions

The question of justice for East Timor poses numerous complicated 
problems that require creative solutions and the joint effort of not 
only the UN but also of the international community, the victims and 
their advocates. In the following section we propose three mechanisms 
that, provided they receive strong UN support, would be able to achieve 
accountability.

1. As a minimum we encourage that the judicial process of the Special 
Panels be continued with UN support so as to facilitate the rational 
completion of its proceedings. Due to the strong opposition voiced 
repeatedly by President Xanana Gusmão and other government officials to 
the serious crimes process and the general weakness of East Timor’s 
national judicial system it is unlikely that proceedings against militia 
suspects will be continued without UN support. East Timorese civil 
society and church organisations consistently demand justice for the 
victims.

The mandate of the Special Panels should be extended after May 2005 
until it is fulfilled and the prosecution, defence and courts should be 
supplied with enhanced resources in order to function more effectively. 
International support should definitely not cease before national staff 
can fully take over the serious crimes process.

2. The second proposal, which would enable a more efficient rendering of 
justice, would be to restructure the Special Panels for Serious Crimes.

Here, the model of the Special Court for Sierra Leone could give some 
guidance. In this court system political influence is minimal as the 
Chief Prosecutor can act independently within the framework of his 
mandate. This is not the case in East Timor where the Prosecutor General 
is subject to political interference. The internationally funded Deputy 
Prosecutor General should be granted the power to transfer arrest 
warrants to Interpol and ensure international cooperation. As East Timor 
is now an independent country this measure could only be introduced 
through strong lobbying work on part of UN officials to start a legal 
reform of the prosecution service.

Creating a stronger prosecution in cooperation with the East Timorese 
parliament would not solve the question of cooperation by Indonesia, 
however. The court would still reside in East Timor and perpetrators in 
Indonesia. Thus, granting the reformed hybrid court Chapter VII-powers 
to subpoena individuals backed by strong international support could 
solve the cooperation issue.

3. The third option that should remain on the negotiation table is the 
establishment of an ad hoc international criminal tribunal set up by the 
Security Council like the Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and 
Rwanda. This tribunal could be established in a Southeast Asian country 
close to both East Timor and Indonesia. It would be staffed by 
international criminal law experts as well as Indonesian and East 
Timorese lawyers. Its international status in addition to its 
geographical distance from both parties to the conflict would ensure 
independence and credibility.

Questions of costs, which resulted in the main criticism concerning the 
two ad hoc tribunals, can be handled efficiently. One possibility would 
have been to apply a model of voluntary contributions implemented in 
Sierra Leone supplemented by UN funds. Another would have been to limit 
the time frame to a small number of years.

It is essential that this option be considered as East Timorese victims’ 
groups and civil society overwhelmingly support it even though it is the 
option most difficult to achieve politically.

Should the Special Panels be closed down in May 2005 the UN would have 
to acknowledge even more criticism of its justice efforts: Not only the 
top perpetrators in Indonesia would not have been prosecuted but also in 
East Timor the UN would have failed to prevent blanket amnesty of 
perpetrators. Not only would the credibility of East Timor’s fledgling 
justice system be at stake but also that of the UN. We acknowledge the 
difficulties connected to the UN’s engagement in international justice 
but believe that in the case of East Timor there is a realistic chance 
to overcome the political obstacles.



On the basis of the situation outlined above, we recommend the following 
to the 61st UN Commission on Human Rights:

to express outrage that the proceedings before the ad hoc Human Rights 
Court in Jakarta have amounted to „sham trials” leading to impunity;

to press the Government of Indonesia (GoI) to transfer indictees to the 
Special Panels for Serious Crimes in East Timor and to fulfil their 
obligation under international law;

to express dismay over the lack of support of the Serious Crimes process 
in East Timor by GoI, the Government of East Timor and the United Nations;

to urge the Secretary General to establish an UN-Commission of Experts 
to evaluate the justice process, to recommend future measures and to 
offer expertise, cooperation and technical assistance;

to initiate the establishment of an International Criminal Tribunal on 
human rights crimes committed in East Timor;

in the alternative, to propose reforms of the Serious Crimes Process in 
East Timor modelled after the Special Court for Sierra Leone;

as a minimum, to support the continuation of the Serious Crimes Process 
in East Timor after May 2005 under UN mandate with enhanced resources 
and support.



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