I wonder if an implicit part of the Court's concern about underinclusion in O 
Centro is that there are constitutional concerns about religious equality and 
religious favoritism if the government grants an accommodation for one faith 
but denies it to another, arguably similarly situated, faith. Or to put it 
slightly differently, once the government recognizes that religious liberty 
concerns justify an accommodation from a particular law for a particular faith, 
the government has some burden to explain why those same religious liberty 
concerns do not justify an accommodation from the same law for a different 
faith. If I remember O Centro correctly (and its been a while since I read the 
Court's decision) the government was insisting that the mere fact that the tea 
that was used in the religious ritual was on the controlled substances list was 
a sufficient showing to establish a compelling interest in seizing the tea. At 
that level of generality, it is hard to accept that one faith deserves an 
exemption from the controlled substances law but another does not.



I don't suggest that this is the only basis for distinguishing O Centro and 
Hobby Lobby, but it may be part of the story.



Alan

________________________________
From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu] 
on behalf of Ira Lupu [icl...@law.gwu.edu]
Sent: Friday, July 04, 2014 11:56 AM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Underinclusion Arguments Going Forward [Was "Hobby Lobby Question"]

Chris, I think you are exactly right on the merits of distinguishing HL from O 
Centro on this point (that grandfathering is a transition process, and peyote 
exception is permanent).  The mystery to me is that no one on the Court, on 
either side, thinks it necessary to respond to the O Centro based argument from 
underinclusion, when that argument was so popular in the lower courts 
(including in the Tenth Circuit en banc in Hobby Lobby).  They all just treat 
it like an embarrassing relative in the room, rather than the elephant it might 
have been.  And that does raise a number of questions, including the force of O 
Centro on this point going forward.


On Fri, Jul 4, 2014 at 2:28 PM, Christopher Lund 
<l...@wayne.edu<mailto:l...@wayne.edu>> wrote:
Sorry, Chip, I sent my post before I got your previous post.  Forgive me for 
that—I think I get what you mean: O Centro says the exception for peyote is 
enough to necessitate an exception for hoasca; Hobby Lobby rejects the 
grandfathered exceptions as enough to necessitate the religious for-profit 
exception.  I don’t have much to say; maybe you’re right there’s some 
inconsistency here.  But Marty has written on this before, and I’ve always 
thought him right: The grandfather exceptions are temporary, meant to ease the 
government’s interests in minimizing administrative burdens, ensuring coverage, 
and maintaining continuity of coverage.  That’s enough to defeat the 
underinclusion argument in Hobby Lobby.  If Congress’s approval of peyote for 
Native American religious believers had a sunset provision, I can’t imagine the 
Court would have relied on that very heavily in O Centro.

I’m saying this without the Hobby Lobby opinions in front of me.

Best,
Chris

From: 
religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu> 
[mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu<mailto:religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu>]
 On Behalf Of Ira Lupu
Sent: Friday, July 04, 2014 2:13 PM

To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: Re: Underinclusion Arguments Going Forward [Was "Hobby Lobby Question"]

I'm sure that Hobby Lobby (and Notre Dame, etc.) wanted a decision that said 
the government's interests in maximizing coverage of pregnancy prevention 
services is not compelling.  And they did NOT get that, which is why litigation 
will continue for years.  I'm still asking whether the different treatment of 
underinclusion in O Centro and HL is sound as a matter of legal reasoning, or 
is based on something else.  And I haven't seen an answer that responds in 
those terms.

On Fri, Jul 4, 2014 at 2:05 PM, Christopher Lund 
<l...@wayne.edu<mailto:l...@wayne.edu>> wrote:
I think Marty has it exactly right here.  And I find it interesting how the 
Court sees RFRA largely as giving it greater leeway in deciding what counts as 
underinclusion. It’s not unlimited leeway, of course, for the reasons that 
Eugene gives.  But if the issue was Free Exercise alone, I don’t think the 
exception for peyote would have mattered for hoasca (O Centro), or the 
exception for religious non-profits would count for for-profits (Hobby Lobby), 
or 40+ states making exceptions for beards would count for Muslims in Arkansas 
(the next case, Holt v. Hobbs).  Those won’t count as exceptions for Free 
Exercise purposes, but they do count for RFRA purposes—or RLUIPA purposes, as 
in the last example.

Continuing in this vein, it surprises me how RFRA analysis almost always 
proceeds the same way that Free Exercise Clause analysis proceeds: The 
challengers must find exceptions somewhere; what RFRA enables is a wider field 
of vision in deciding what counts as an “exception.”  And In this sense, Hobby 
Lobby is a win for the government here.  Hobby Lobby really wanted a decision 
that said that exemptions didn’t matter and that religious liberty simply 
trumped women’s access to contraception.  That is very far from the Court’s 
actual reasoning.

Best,
Chris
___________________________
Christopher C. Lund
Associate Professor of Law
Wayne State University Law School
471 West Palmer St.
Detroit, MI  48202
l...@wayne.edu<mailto:l...@wayne.edu>
(313) 577-4046 (phone)
(313) 577-9016 (fax)
Website—http://law.wayne.edu/profile/christopher.lund/
Papers—http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=363402

On Fri, Jul 4, 2014 at 1:34 PM, Marty Lederman 
<lederman.ma...@gmail.com<mailto:lederman.ma...@gmail.com>> wrote:
I don't think the HL Court does move away from the O Centro analysis on 
underinclusiveness.  It treats the HHS "secondary accommodation" just as the O 
Centro court treated the marijuana exception--as a case in which the government 
could not explain why the reasons for creating that exception would not apply 
with full force to the requested exemption.  The line the government had drawn, 
in other words, was arbitrary as far as the Court was concerned.

On Fri, Jul 4, 2014 at 1:25 PM, Ira Lupu 
<icl...@law.gwu.edu<mailto:icl...@law.gwu.edu>> wrote:
Eugene's arguments here are very strong.  Exceptions to federal laws are 
frequent, and sometimes based on weak policy reasons.

But then what do we make of the unanimous decision in O Centro, in which the 
Court characterizes the peyote exception for members of Native American tribes 
as doing "appreciable damage" to the government's interest in limiting access 
to controlled substances, and therefore undermining the argument against a RFRA 
exception from the Controlled Substances Act for hoasca tea?  In the lower 
federal courts,  this move from O Centro was repeatedly cited in support of a 
conclusion that exceptions to the contraceptive mandate (primarily the 
grandfathering of pre-ACA plans) undermined the weight of the government's 
interest in denying a RFRA exception.  What happened to that argument in Hobby 
Lobby?  Was it just a makeweight, poorly reasoned argument to begin with?  Or 
is there a difference between the O Centro context and the Hobby Lobby context 
that explains the move away from O Centro's treatment of underinclusion?

On Fri, Jul 4, 2014 at 1:05 PM, Volokh, Eugene 
<vol...@law.ucla.edu<mailto:vol...@law.ucla.edu>> wrote:
               I appreciate Mark’s argument, but I wonder how far it goes.  Tax 
law is an excellent example.  There may be “a very strong reason” for having 
many tens of millions of people pay no income tax at all.  But I doubt that 
there’s a very strong reason for every single tax exemption out there.  There 
are legitimate reasons, to be sure, plausible reasons, but not “very strong” 
ones, and maybe not even “strong” ones.  And many might have seemed strong 
once, but now remain chiefly because of legislative inertia.  Does the 
conclusion that there are not-very-strong reasons for some secular exemptions 
mean that there has to be a religious exemption?

               Likewise, consider the Copyright Act, which contains a 
prohibition on various uses of a copyrighted work in sec. 106, and then about 
15 sections starting with sec. 107 setting forth exemptions; many of those 
sections have quite different subsections, so there are dozens of exceptions.  
For some, there may be a very strong reason, but for others it’s the result of 
political deals for the benefit of often small groups, sometimes decades or 
even a century ago.  Does it follow that anyone who has a religious objection 
to copyright law is entitled under RFRA to an exemption?

               Eugene

Mark Scarberry writes:

Jim's analysis is very helpful.

Now to disagree with him and others on one point:

On the relevance of gross underinclusion for the compelling interest question, 
I'd think it would matter whether there is a strong reason for the 
underinclusiveness. If not, then it would call into question the govt's own 
view of the importance of the interest.

With regard to lots of people not paying income tax, there is a very strong 
reason for tailoring a progressive income tax so that people with little income 
pay little or no income tax. Also, the purpose of a progressive tax system is 
not just to raise money, but to do so in a way that meets social goals directly 
related to the progressivity. There doesn't seem to be any similar reason, for 
example, that justifies the grandfathering of plans under the ACA.

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--
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053<tel:%28202%29994-7053>
Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious 
People" (forthcoming, summer 2014, Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.)
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg

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Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious 
People" (forthcoming, summer 2014, Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.)
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg

_______________________________________________
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--
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious 
People" (forthcoming, summer 2014, Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.)
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg

_______________________________________________
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--
Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053
Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious 
People" (forthcoming, summer 2014, Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.)
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg
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