I think Marty has it exactly right here.  And I find it interesting how the 
Court sees RFRA largely as giving it greater leeway in deciding what counts 
as underinclusion. It’s not unlimited leeway, of course, for the reasons 
that Eugene gives.  But if the issue was Free Exercise alone, I don’t think 
the exception for peyote would have mattered for hoasca (O Centro), or the 
exception for religious non-profits would count for for-profits (Hobby 
Lobby), or 40+ states making exceptions for beards would count for Muslims 
in Arkansas (the next case, Holt v. Hobbs).  Those won’t count as exceptions 
for Free Exercise purposes, but they do count for RFRA purposes—or RLUIPA 
purposes, as in the last example.



Continuing in this vein, it surprises me how RFRA analysis almost always 
proceeds the same way that Free Exercise Clause analysis proceeds: The 
challengers must find exceptions somewhere; what RFRA enables is a wider 
field of vision in deciding what counts as an “exception.”  And In this 
sense, Hobby Lobby is a win for the government here.  Hobby Lobby really 
wanted a decision that said that exemptions didn’t matter and that religious 
liberty simply trumped women’s access to contraception.  That is very far 
from the Court’s actual reasoning.



Best,

Chris

___________________________

Christopher C. Lund

Associate Professor of Law

Wayne State University Law School

471 West Palmer St.

Detroit, MI  48202

l...@wayne.edu

(313) 577-4046 (phone)

(313) 577-9016 (fax)

Website—http://law.wayne.edu/profile/christopher.lund/

Papers—http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=363402



On Fri, Jul 4, 2014 at 1:34 PM, Marty Lederman <lederman.ma...@gmail.com> 
wrote:

I don't think the HL Court does move away from the O Centro analysis on 
underinclusiveness.  It treats the HHS "secondary accommodation" just as the 
O Centro court treated the marijuana exception--as a case in which the 
government could not explain why the reasons for creating that exception 
would not apply with full force to the requested exemption.  The line the 
government had drawn, in other words, was arbitrary as far as the Court was 
concerned.



On Fri, Jul 4, 2014 at 1:25 PM, Ira Lupu <icl...@law.gwu.edu> wrote:

Eugene's arguments here are very strong.  Exceptions to federal laws are 
frequent, and sometimes based on weak policy reasons.



But then what do we make of the unanimous decision in O Centro, in which the 
Court characterizes the peyote exception for members of Native American 
tribes as doing "appreciable damage" to the government's interest in 
limiting access to controlled substances, and therefore undermining the 
argument against a RFRA exception from the Controlled Substances Act for 
hoasca tea?  In the lower federal courts,  this move from O Centro was 
repeatedly cited in support of a conclusion that exceptions to the 
contraceptive mandate (primarily the grandfathering of pre-ACA plans) 
undermined the weight of the government's interest in denying a RFRA 
exception.  What happened to that argument in Hobby Lobby?  Was it just a 
makeweight, poorly reasoned argument to begin with?  Or is there a 
difference between the O Centro context and the Hobby Lobby context that 
explains the move away from O Centro's treatment of underinclusion?



On Fri, Jul 4, 2014 at 1:05 PM, Volokh, Eugene <vol...@law.ucla.edu> wrote:

               I appreciate Mark’s argument, but I wonder how far it goes. 
Tax law is an excellent example.  There may be “a very strong reason” for 
having many tens of millions of people pay no income tax at all.  But I 
doubt that there’s a very strong reason for every single tax exemption out 
there.  There are legitimate reasons, to be sure, plausible reasons, but not 
“very strong” ones, and maybe not even “strong” ones.  And many might have 
seemed strong once, but now remain chiefly because of legislative inertia. 
Does the conclusion that there are not-very-strong reasons for some secular 
exemptions mean that there has to be a religious exemption?



               Likewise, consider the Copyright Act, which contains a 
prohibition on various uses of a copyrighted work in sec. 106, and then 
about 15 sections starting with sec. 107 setting forth exemptions; many of 
those sections have quite different subsections, so there are dozens of 
exceptions.  For some, there may be a very strong reason, but for others it’s 
the result of political deals for the benefit of often small groups, 
sometimes decades or even a century ago.  Does it follow that anyone who has 
a religious objection to copyright law is entitled under RFRA to an 
exemption?



               Eugene



Mark Scarberry writes:



Jim's analysis is very helpful.



Now to disagree with him and others on one point:



On the relevance of gross underinclusion for the compelling interest 
question, I'd think it would matter whether there is a strong reason for the 
underinclusiveness. If not, then it would call into question the govt's own 
view of the importance of the interest.



With regard to lots of people not paying income tax, there is a very strong 
reason for tailoring a progressive income tax so that people with little 
income pay little or no income tax. Also, the purpose of a progressive tax 
system is not just to raise money, but to do so in a way that meets social 
goals directly related to the progressivity. There doesn't seem to be any 
similar reason, for example, that justifies the grandfathering of plans 
under the ACA.



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-- 

Ira C. Lupu
F. Elwood & Eleanor Davis Professor of Law, Emeritus
George Washington University Law School
2000 H St., NW
Washington, DC 20052
(202)994-7053

Co-author (with Professor Robert Tuttle) of "Secular Government, Religious 
People" (forthcoming, summer 2014, Wm. B. Eerdmans Pub. Co.)
My SSRN papers are here:
http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/cf_dev/AbsByAuth.cfm?per_id=181272#reg

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