This particular statute might have been politically unimaginable 25 years
ago, I suppose (although states were already heading in that direction).
But that is true of many, many laws that are enacted every day--perhaps the
majority of them. What is not unimaginable at all is that Congress would
I also wonder how Marty thinks Smith itself should have been decided under
pre-Smith law. Under that law, did the Native Americans have the right to
engage in their religious ritual? Or perhaps Justice O'Connor was right that
there was a compelling interest in preventing them from doing so? A
I think he means that 25 and more years ago (which just happens to be
pre-Smith), it would have been politically unimaginable for government to
require Catholic or Protestant religious institutions to do things that violate
some of their core moral teachings. Those conflicts were just emerging;
"under pre-Smith jurisprudence, a federal mandate on the topic of
contraception would not have been dreamed of either"
I don't know what this means. What does Free Exercise jurisprudence have
to do with whether Congress requires health insurance plans to include
preventive services?
On Mon, Mar
Marty makes a fair point. But under pre-Smith jurisprudence, a federal
mandate on the topic of contraception would not have been dreamed of
either.
On Mon, Mar 28, 2016 at 6:51 PM, Marty Lederman
wrote:
> As reflected in my recent article and (with
As reflected in my recent article and (with Gordon/Greenawalt/Lupu/Tuttle)
amicus brief, I have become convinced that where RFRA(s) went "wrong" is
when advocates and judges started insisting--mistakenly, in the case of
federal RFRA--that it is more demanding than the pre-*Smith* Free Exercise
Doug writes:
"The cases of the sort Michael describes (and that Chris Lund has described in
public work) are still out there; they still happen. And the cases Paul
Finkelman imagines, in which state RFRAs justify all kinds of discrimination
against gays, are not out there. They have not
The cases of the sort Michael describes (and that Chris Lund has described in
public work) are still out there; they still happen. And the cases Paul
Finkelman imagines, in which state RFRAs justify all kinds of discrimination
against gays, are not out there. They have not happened.
But gay
Have any state RFRA sought to use a non-strict scrutiny balancing approach
under which the weight of the interest of the religious exceptionalist, the
state’s interest, and the employers/public accomodations/etc. interest are
weighed to assess the proper outcome?
--
Prof. Steven D. Jamar
Unfortunately, for many, the entire spectrum of "religious liberty" in
the United States appears to revolve around LGBT rights. That may, in
fact, be the case for religious "majorities" who are not otherwise
adversely affected by facially neutral state laws that infringe upon
their religious
While picking our daughter up from her public school today, my wife saw an
enormous sign (my guess? 8 feet by 8 feet at least) that said "Easter at People
Chicago. New Services 9:30 am and 11:15 am." It's on a super-prominent corner
(like, 90 percent of kids going to school are going to pass
More than fair comments by Alan.
On Mon, Mar 28, 2016 at 3:43 PM, Alan E Brownstein wrote:
> My post was descriptive, not normative. In addition to the two cases,
> Michael mentions there have been several state RFRA cases decided since
> 2000. Several of Christopher
My post was descriptive, not normative. In addition to the two cases, Michael
mentions there have been several state RFRA cases decided since 2000. Several
of Christopher Lund’s articles describe these cases. I see no pattern that
provides a narrative to explain those cases. Chris doesn’t
Well, we've had two major RFRA cases-- *O Centro* and *Hobby Lobby*-- since
2000; surely replicating those victories for state claimants does not
reflect a focus on LGBT issues. likewise, pre-2000 RFRA cases at the state
court level could likewise be used, even if it is true that no such cases
Based purely on anecdotal information, I think this issue is based more on
timing than on legislative history. I worked on the attempt to get a state RFRA
passed in California in 1998. The bill passed both houses of the legislature --
controlled by the Democrats -- only to be vetoed by the
Question for list members:
What language and/or legislative history would you look for in a bill that
has in order to consider it having the same intent as the original RFRA,
and other state RFRAs that were passed absent the LGBT controversy now
present?
On Mon, Mar 28, 2016 at 1:18 PM, Marty
https://gov.georgia.gov/press-releases/2016-03-28/transcript-deal-hb-757-remarks-0
The bill:
http://www.legis.ga.gov/Legislation/20152016/161054.pdf
___
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