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Le Monde Views US Efforts To Bring Russia Into NATO, Impact for Europe 

Le Monde
July 17, 2001
[translation fo personal use only]

Analysis by Daniel Vernet: "Will George Bush Bring Russia into NATO?" 

     A decade after the end of the Cold War and the 
demise of the Soviet Union, will George W. Bush succeed where his father

failed; namely, define a "new international order?"   An order in which 
Russia would be integrated because the area of conflicts of interests
had 
shifted toward Asia? 
    We are still far from that, and a number of decisions taken by the 
new Republican administration would suggest, rather, that the path
chosen 
is that of the most traditional confrontation.   However, the tone has 
changed.   During his visit to Europe, the US President could not find 
enough kind words for Russia and for Vladimir Putin.   His entourage, 
although full of veterans of the East-West conflict who served their 
apprenticeship under Ford, Reagan, or Bush Senior, have prepared a 
rhetoric with resolutely innovative ambitions.   From that viewpoint, 
Russia no longer represents a threat for US interests -- and, it is
added 
in Washington, for those of the Europeans, which implies a redefinition 
of transatlantic relations.   At the most, it is "a problem," to use 
French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine's expression. 
    Hence we must stop thinking in Cold War terms and believing that 
international stability continues to be ensured by East-West agreements;

often purely US-Soviet agreements dating back around 30 years.   That is

true both of the 1972 ABM treaty and of the SALT and START treaties on 
strategic arms limitation and reduction.   The aim of the ABM treaty -- 
which confined the two great power within narrow limits for building 
antimissile systems -- was to guarantee nuclear deterrence; that is, to 
maintain the possibility of the camps' mutual destruction by a nuclear 
holocaust.   Who will serious believe today that Russia is preparing to 
launch intercontinental missiles against US cities and vice versa? asks
a 
former senior Pentagon official who has reenlisted with Donald Rumsfeld,

George W. Bush's defense secretary. 
    Of course the Americans would like to amend or even scrap the ABM 
treaty in order to be able to launch their missile defense (MD) program.

 But that is not just a tactical aim, the same personality continues:   
"To put an end to those treaties is to put an end to the spirit of the 
Cold War," he says. 
    A document such as the ABM treaty requires the existence of an enemy

such as we had for 40 years after World War II.   That era is over.
"In 
order to turn our backs on the Cold War, we must put an end to the 
agreements which governed the military relations between two potential 
enemies." 
    The first reaction of the Russians -- and the Europeans -- is to
view 
these fine words as a kind of camouflage aimed at pushing through 
decisions calling into question the international status quo. 
    But perhaps it would be necessary to ask ourselves whether, beyond
an 
immediate concern, the Americans are not aiming eventually at a complete

redefinition of their relations with Russia and, through that, even the 
setting-up of a new security organization in Europe.   Decisions 
unpleasant in principle for Moscow are being prepared:   In addition to 
the antimissile defense program, a new enlargement of the Atlantic 
alliance, starting from 2002, which could include one or several Baltic 
states; that is, for the first time, republics which belonged to the 
former USSR but also to the former czarist Russia.   Will Russia receive

compensation? 
    In 1997 -- two years before NATO's first eastward enlargement 
(Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic), Moscow obtained a quid pro quo:

The signing in Paris of the fundamental act on relations between Russia 
and NATO, and the setting-up of the NATO-Russia joint council.   That 
offer of cooperation fell short of the Russians' expectations.   They
had 
been allowed to believe, among other things, that they would have a 
"right of inspection" over NATO's affairs; they were hoping for a "right

of veto."   The Kosovo war showed them that the joint council could not 
prevent the Atlantic alliance's 19 members from disregarding Moscow's 
objections.   And so the Russians stayed away from that council's 
meetings for several months and are now rejecting all the proposals for 
relaunching made by the Westerners. 
    Another form of compensation for NATO's expansion could be
financial. 
Although it is not the official position, some people in Washington are 
talking about a cancellation of the debt contracted by the former USSR:

An act of generosity which would not cost the Americans too much since 
Russia's main creditors are Europeans and, in the first place, Germans.

In fact, when the Kremlin talks about a quid pro quo, it is thinking in 
political terms -- for instance, "Russia's entry into NATO's political 
organization," one of Vladimir Putin's spokesmen says.   During his 
meeting with George W. Bush in Ljubljana, the Russian president took out

a 1954 note in which Moscow asked to join the Atlantic alliance. 

    "Achieve Its Destiny" 

    Is that a purely theoretical view?   Again in Ljubljana, George W. 
Bush stated that NATO's door is open, that Russia's destiny is in
Europe, 
and that all European countries fulfilling the conditions are entitled
to 
join NATO.   A few days later, the State Department's spokesman was more

precise.   Asked whether the US position is still as negative as that
set 
out by Madeleine Albright on behalf of the Clinton administration, 
Richard Boucher replied:   "No, I do not think that I would say exactly 
that...   I would say that this administration believes that the door 
should be open, and that Russia's destiny is clearly in Europe.   And we

intend to work with Russia in order to help it achieve its destiny." 
    The Russians are wondering whether this is a trick aimed at
weakening 
their vigilance, or whether the proposal is serious, although it
concerns 
the long term.   Their conclusion is that they have nothing to lose by 
acting as if the US attitude were serious.   If that were the case, it 
would bring a kind of consummation to the anti-Cold War refrains which 
President Bush and his advisers have struck up; it would complete the 
transformation of NATO as an instrument of the Cold War into a 
pan-European security organization.   And it would force the Europeans
to 
carry out a revolution in their strategic thinking for which they are
far 
from being prepared.


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