http://www.alternet.org/members/story.html?StoryID=18088

A Twitch Before Dying?

By Amanda Griscom, Grist Magazine
March 9, 2004

U.S. oil prices jumped to their highest levels since the Iraq war 
this week, hitting $37.51 a barrel, for an average of about $1.74 a 
gallon - unwelcome news for those feeling the pinch at the pump, but 
great news for supporters of the newly overhauled but still-stalled 
energy bill.

"They've been waiting for something like this - a blackout, a spike 
in gas prices, a terrorist attack - anything to convince a majority 
in the Senate that they have no choice but to steamroll this energy 
bill through," said a staffer at the Senate Committee on Energy and 
Natural Resources.

Sure enough, on Monday, Sen. Pete Domenici (R-N.M.), chair of the ENR 
committee, announced that the energy bill would come up for 
consideration again at the end of this month - when high gas prices 
will still be fresh on senators' (or, more to the point, their 
constituents') minds.

Right on cue, a chorus of Bush officials chimed in to play up 
economic fears: Energy Secretary Spencer Abraham said last week that 
the administration is "extremely concerned" about gasoline prices and 
called on Congress to pass the energy bill. His colleague Treasury 
Secretary John Snow used concern about rising oil prices - expected 
to continue their upward trajectory through the summer - to call for 
"greater access to reliable and dependable U.S. energy supplies like 
ANWR."

Support for the energy bill isn't just coming from the GOP - Senate 
Minority Leader Tom Daschle (D-S.D.) is now among its most 
enthusiastic proponents. The bill became more palatable to Daschle 
once deals were struck to remove a controversial provision that would 
have given liability relief to manufacturers of the fuel additive 
MTBE, which has contaminated water supplies throughout the nation, 
and to cut the corpulent $31 billion package to a comparatively lean 
$15 billion - though it still channels plenty of pork to polluting 
energy companies.

Daschle not only expressed support for the new version of the bill, 
but anticipated bringing along up to six new Democratic yea votes. 
"It's Sen. Daschle's belief that there's a reasonable chance that 
this new version will pass at the end of the month," his 
spokesperson, Sarah Feinberg, told Grist.

Domenici is equally upbeat: "We're feeling pretty confident," said 
his spokesperson, Marnie Funk. "We've made the changes to get the 
bill through the Senate that will appeal to Democrats who disliked 
the MTBE issue and the Republicans who were worried about cost. The 
vote count seems promising."

According to an ENR committee staff member who asked to remain 
anonymous, Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.) and Daschle 
have been getting positive feedback on the Republican side from Sens. 
Rick Santorum (Penn.), Jon Kyl (Ariz.), Don Nickles (Okla.), and John 
Ensign (Nev.) - all of whom had grumbled about the high costs of the 
original bill.

But critics of the energy bill are singing a very different tune: 
"Put your bullshit detector on high alert," said Kevin Curtis, vice 
president of National Environmental Trust. "We're in election time, 
and from now to the end of this session it's less and less about 
passing legislation and more about emphasizing the differences 
between certain politicians and parties."

Bill Wicker, communications director for the Democratic minority on 
the ENR committee, adds that he has heard nothing definitive about 
new votes promised since the energy bill was reworked.

It's no secret that Daschle, for instance, has political reasons to 
put on a happy face. He's in a tight battle for his Senate seat this 
year, and the energy bill includes tax subsidies for ethanol 
production that would increase corn prices by as much as $0.50 per 
bushel, create an estimated 10,000 new jobs in his state, and 
generate $620 million for South Dakota's economy, Daschle says. 
Whether or not the bill is likely to pass, it behooves the senator to 
convince his constituency that he's making progress pushing it 
through Congress.

Likewise, Domenici's optimism should be taken with a grain of salt: 
One senior Republican Senate aide confessed to a reporter at the 
Albuquerque Journal in Domenici's home state of New Mexico over the 
weekend that the bill's prospects are not so hot. "The odds of 
getting an energy bill along the lines of what we have proposed is 
maybe 25 percent," the aide said.

Another indication that the forecast is gloomy came in a Monday 
article in CongressDaily about Senate Republicans with so little 
faith in the energy bill's passage that they are maneuvering key 
portions of it onto other pieces of legislation that have better 
chances of making it to President Bush's desk. Senate Finance 
Committee Chair Charles Grassley (R-Iowa) is orchestrating the 
process; last month he inserted ethanol tax provisions into a 
transportation bill, and last week he proposed an amendment to a 
corporate tax bill that would extend a tax credit for wind energy 
production for a year. "Both provisions are crucial to maintaining 
the coalition ... needed to move a large energy bill through the 
Senate," wrote CongressDaily reporter John Stanton.

But let's say Domenici, Daschle, and Frist manage to maneuver the 
energy bill through the Senate in late March. There's no guarantee 
that it will then make it past the House. In fact, last week House 
Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Texas) gave the Senate version the big, 
fat, Texas finger, saying it's unacceptable because it doesn't 
protect MTBE manufacturers, the overwhelming majority of which are in 
his state. Even after a personal call from Bush entreating him, 
essentially, to get over himself, DeLay held his ground: No energy 
bill without MTBE liability relief would get past him.

The situation is rich with irony: DeLay is so committed to his 
special interests that he's willing to defy his own president; by 
doing so, he may serve the public interest after all.

Amanda Griscom writes the Muckraker column for Grist Magazine.



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