-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Oct. 17, 2002
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------

NOT A SPEECH BUT A DIATRIBE: BUSH BUILDS A WAR ON 
LIES

By Fred Goldstein

President George W. Bush's speech in Cincinnati on Oct. 7 
was designed to build momentum for Washington's planned war 
of aggression against Iraq. The speech contained an almost 
uninterrupted stream of lies, vilification and appeals to 
fear and threats, all couched as "arguments" to answer his 
so-called critics.

Bush repeated his insinuation, made over and over again in 
other speeches, that the Iraqi government was somehow tied 
to the Sept. 11 attack. These insinuations were made without 
one iota of evidence.

Bush reiterated the charge, denied by the Iraqi government, 
that Baghdad was producing biological and chemical weapons- 
again without any evidence. He repeated the charge that Iraq 
was on the verge of developing a nuclear weapon with which 
to threaten the United States. No evidence supplied.

Bush again implied that Iraq had expelled weapons 
inspectors, when in fact it was the U.S. that had the 
weapons inspectors withdrawn in 1998, prior to the bombing 
of Iraq in operation Desert Fox. Iraq refused later to 
readmit the inspectors because the inspection team was being 
directed by Washington to violate the terms of the 
inspection regime by probing for military information that 
could be used by the Pentagon in an attack.

SPEECH IGNORES IRAQI CONCESSIONS

Bush completely left out of his talk the monumental fact 
that Iraq has made the major concession of agreeing to 
unfettered weapons inspections of the country by the UN. Not 
only did Iraq announce this concession, it followed it up by 
working out a detailed agreement with Hans Blix, head of the 
UN weapons inspection team, including arrangements to 
inspect government buildings like the headquarters of the 
Republican Guard and the Defense Ministry building, among 
others.

This agreement was torn up by U.S. Secretary of State Colin 
Powell on the grounds that it was based on a 1998 UN 
resolution specifying that the inspection of presidential 
sites had to be announced in advance and accompanied by an 
Iraqi official. The Iraqi government then stated it would 
allow unannounced inspection of presidential sites.

Bush had the audacity to accuse the Iraqis of aggression for 
firing back in self-defense at U.S. and British war planes 
that illegally violate its air space every single day. They 
fly in the so-called "no-fly zones" and fire at will on 
Iraqi targets, killing many civilians in the process. These 
"no-fly zones" were simply declared by Washington in 
violation of all international law.

By launching an uninterrupted stream of baseless charges--
while omitting any reference to Iraqi concessions--Bush made 
it clear that there is no condition that the Iraqi 
government can meet, short of resigning and turning over the 
government to a U.S.-puppet regime, that will satisfy the 
White House and prevent the Pentagon from launching an 
unprovoked war of imperialist aggression.

Bush's hypocrisy could not have been clearer. On the same 
day that he was beating the drums of war against Iraq for 
"supporting terrorism" and seeking "weapons of mass 
destruction," U.S. imperialism's client state of Israel--the 
only nuclear power in the Middle East--launched a massive 
invasion upon the densely populated refugee camp of Khan 
Yunis in Gaza, using tanks and helicopters. They fired a 
missile into a crowded street, killing 13 Palestinian 
civilians, including children. Prime Minister Ariel Sharon 
declared the operation to be a "great success."

BUSH LINES UP CONGRESS

Bush's immediate political goal was to add momentum to the 
vote for military intervention about to take place in 
Congress. This vote, in turn, is meant to strong-arm the UN 
Security Council and let them know that whatever they do or 
say, Washington is going to invade.

The first victory of the Bush administration in lining up 
the political establishment for the new "unilateralism" of 
the Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz grouping came in 
the struggle over a joint congressional resolution on the 
war.

This victory was attained on Oct. 2 when House Minority 
Leader Dick Gephardt, a Democrat from Missouri, stepped 
forward to embrace the Bush resolution. He was photographed 
along with the Republican supporters of Bush announcing the 
deal on the White House steps.

The joint resolution is titled "Authorization for the Use of 
Military Force Against Iraq." Its preamble declares that "it 
should be the policy of the United States to support efforts 
to remove from power the current Iraqi regime."

The body of the resolution declares that "The Congress of 
the United States supports the efforts by the president to 
strictly enforce through the United Nations Security Council 
all relevant Security Council resolutions applicable to Iraq 
and encourages him in those efforts." It goes on to 
"encourage" the president to "obtain decisive action by the 
Security Council."

It then concludes that "the president is authorized to use 
the Armed Forces of the United States as he determines 
necessary to (1) defend the national security of the United 
States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and (2) 
enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council 
Resolutions regarding Iraq."

It requires that the failure of diplomatic measure be 
reported by Bush to the House of Representatives 48 hours 
after (!) an invasion takes place.

In other words, this resolution tells the French 
imperialists, the Russian capitalists, the Chinese 
government that they will have no say whatsoever in the 
matter of a U.S. war against Iraq. This resolution tells the 
world that U.S. imperialism reserves the right to and fully 
intends to destroy a sovereign government in Baghdad without 
anyone else's permission, and that the political 
establishment of the ruling class is overwhelmingly united 
in its readiness to support the war.

As for the other imperialists in Paris, Berlin and Rome, 
they had better line up or be left out. And for those who 
were counting upon the imperialist allies to slow down 
Bush's rush to war, they should forget it and get on board.

The speech was calculated to cover up the fundamental fact 
that an imperialist super-power--with a population of 280 
million, an economy of $10 trillion, and a military 
establishment larger than the next 20 countries in the world-
-is planning an unprovoked invasion of a poor country of 20 
million, formerly dominated by colonial powers, whose 
economy and military machine have been devastated by U.S. 
invasion and 11 years of deadly sanctions, and which has 110 
billion barrels of oil on its territory, coveted by the 
giant oil monopolies.

The war talk is also calculated to distract the population 
at home from the fact that the stock market is crashing in 
slow motion; retirement funds of the masses are being wiped 
out as their 401k plans evaporate; 435,000 more workers were 
laid off in manufacturing in September; and millions of 
workers are no longer counted in the work force because they 
have given up looking for jobs or are living on paltry 
disability incomes.

Bush's speech was also meant to counteract the diminishing 
support for the war in the polls and the rising active 
opposition of the budding anti-war movement.

A Gallup poll released on Oct. 7, as reported in the 
Washington Post of Oct. 8, "found a bare majority of 
Americans-53 percent-favored a ground invasion of Iraq, down 
from 61 percent in June and 74 percent last November." These 
conservative numbers show the clear trend of plummeting 
support, as the suffering of the people increases and the 
alarmist rhetoric of the Bush administration, 
unsubstantiated by any substance, seems more and more 
hollow.

It is highly significant that the Bush war talk has clearly 
awakened the beginnings of a new and vigorous anti-war 
movement. The tens of thousands who turned out around the 
country on Oct. 6 to protest the Bush war plans show that 
the movement is overcoming the mood of retreat that took 
hold after Sept. 11 and is gathering forward momentum. It 
shows that a new generation of youth is preparing to resist 
the militarist adventurism emanating from Washington.

The massive support that is growing for the Oct. 26 national 
demonstration in Washington, D.C., along with a simultaneous 
activity in San Francisco, holds out the greatest hope that 
a revival of the struggle against imperialist war can spread 
to the workers and the oppressed, can really challenge the 
capitalist war makers and can push back the war drive.

- END -

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