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From: "Akhmad Bukhari Saleh" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: "YON-I/ITB" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date: Sun, 9 Nov 2003 00:33:16 +0700
Subject: [yonsatu] On J.I.

> U.S. - Indonesia Society - USINDO [Washington D.C.]
> November 6, 2003
> USINDO Open Forum
> 
> Summary followed by Q&A
> 
> Indonesia's Reactions to the War on Terrorism
> 
> with Sidney Jones, Indonesia Project Director International Crisis
> Group Jakarta
> 
> October 28, 2003 [available online Nov. 6] Washington D.C.
> 
> Sidney Jones did a convincing job of explaining why it is politically
> incorrect - if not impossible - for Indonesians to condemn Jemaah
> Islamiyah (JI) these days.
> The organization listed as a terrorist group by the U.S. and the UN
> and the subject of a detailed exposé by the International Crisis
> Group, whose Jakarta office is headed by Jones, is nevertheless exempt
> from direct criticism in Indonesia for a variety of reasons.
> While top government leaders such as Coordinating Minister Susilo
> Bambang Yudhoyono and Police Chief Da'i Bachtiar will condemn JI to
> audiences in the United States, they will not repeat those accusations
> in Indonesia, Jones said at a USINDO meeting on October 28.
> 
> Most Indonesians are so alienated by U.S. Middle East policy, from its
> stance on the Israel-Palestine conflict to its war in Iraq, that
> anything the U.S. condemns, in the eyes of these Indonesians, can't be
> all bad.
> Even the moderates, said Sidney Jones, believe that the U.S. has
> singled out Muslims for repressive action and treats Indonesia in a
> high-handed way.
> There's a belief that "Indonesia can't win," she said.  Indonesia
> never gets credit for anything it accomplishes.
> 
> As a result, anything the U.S. condemns must be defended and anything
> the U.S. supports must be suspect.
> 
> This preoccupation with the U.S. is distorting what might otherwise be
> a more hostile attitude toward JI.
> For example, the moderate Nahdlatul Ulama, Indonesia's largest Muslim
> organization, has "good reason to loathe Jemaah Islamiyah," Jones
> said.
> The JI is the direct descendant of Darul Islam, the militant
> fundamentalist organization that fought for an Islamic state during
> the independence struggle and afterward against the Republic until it
> was crushed by the Indonesian army in the 1960s.
> The DI saw the NU "as impure, idolatrous," Jones said, and that
> attitude is alive and well within the JI.
> The convicted Bali bomber, Amrozi, had, as one of his first acts upon
> returning to Indonesia from Malaysia about three years ago, desecrated
> the grave of an NU kiai (religious leader) who was beloved in that
> area.
> The NU was outraged, but "the outrage that everyone senses was not
> expressed by the leaders of NU." said Jones.  Why? The NU fears that
> the JI might attack them.
> The NU leader, Hasjim Muzadi, has political ambitions, and it's just
> not politically possible to take a stand because he would be accused
> of kowtowing to the U.S. line, Jones said.
> Another reason for caution is that NU is worried that the JI will
> attack NU pesantren, the Islamic boarding schools which are the
> lifeblood of the NU educational system.  There are perhaps 30,000
> pesantrens in all of Indonesia, the vast majority of which are
> controlled by the NU, she said.
> 
> There is some evidence that the JI may target the pesantren system.
> A cache of documents, captured by the police in Semarang a few months
> ago, contained a computer printout survey of religious schools in
> Central Java, including the name of each school, the religious leader,
> the number of his followers and affiliated organizations, and whether
> JI had access to it.
> The chilling news was that JI had the capability of such a
> sophisticated survey, but the good news was that the survey admitted
> JI had very little access to these schools.  "Very few pesantrens want
> contact with the JI," she said.
> 
> Another complication is that "Jemaah Islamiyah" is a generic term
> meaning "Islamic community.  It would be as if the Irish Republican
> Army called itself the Catholic Church," Jones said.
> 
> As a consequence, Indonesia is not willing to crack down on JI.
> This failure to ban the organization may have serious consequences,
> Jones said.
> At the moment, senior JI leaders are in detention, but it is not clear
> that the police can link them to specific acts
> of violence.  They will be more difficult to convict than was Abu
> Bakar Bashir, JI's leader.
> Meanwhile, the police are vulnerable.  There was a well orchestrated,
> well financed protest of 20,000 people in Solo, Central Java, after
> the recent arrests of 15 terror suspects.
> No senior Indonesian official came to the defense of the police; on
> the contrary, there seems to be an orchestrated campaign to go after
> the police, Jones said.
> 
> "There is a serious problem for moving further on the war on
> terrorism," Jones said.
> 
> Meanwhile, the JI remains active.
> Despite the arrest of some top leaders, there is more and more
> information on its activities and scope.
> There is information that there are Indonesian alumni of the Chechen
> war.  An al Qaeda operative arrested in Karachi claimed to have 100
> Indonesians there and plans to train Indonesians to fight in Kashmir.
> So there is evidence that JI is not restricted to Southeast Asia any
> longer but is operating in South Asia and beyond as well.
> 
> Furthermore, the recent outbreak of violence in Poso may be linked in
> some way to JI, Jones said.
> There is evidence of a special operations unit set up by JI in Poso.
> This unit may have spun out of control when the JI leaders were
> detained.
> 
> 
> 
> Q:  What was the Indonesian reaction to President Bush's misstatement
> about resuming military relations with Indonesia?
> 
> A:  Resuming military to military relations is a non-starter.
> Indonesia is not of a mind to receive this kind of aid now, and if it
> were offered it would be refused.
> 
> 
> Q:  Given your description of the attitudes in Indonesia toward the
> U.S., what can or should the U.S. do at this point?
> 
> A:  At present it is useless to try public diplomacy relating to
> Muslim issues.
> It would be better to look at other things: non Islam-related aid
> programs, educational exchange, institution building... the kind of
> long-range assistance that USAID produces.
> 
> 
> Q: It is said that the real war in Islam is between the moderate and
> radical views within the religion.
> If so, the moderates in the so-called peripheral states including
> Indonesia might have a better chance of prevailing over the radicals
> who are concentrated in the Middle East.
> Your comment?
> 
> A:  I do think the moderates are prevailing in Indonesia.
> On a range of social issues, such as the debate whether the
> provocative dancer Inul should be allowed to perform in public, it's
> clear the moderates are in control.
> But on this one issue - U.S. policy - the moderates actually share the
> views of the radical fringe.
> 
> 
> Q:  How are the police generally viewed, especially as the focus of
> U.S. aid for police training to combat terrorism?
> 
> A:  The police have been successful in recent investigations of
> terrorist incidents.
> They have not been stigmatized for receiving international aid, but
> they feel very vulnerable nevertheless, particularly
> as the military are resentful of the police and determined to take
> back their former role in internal security.
> There are three bills before parliament at present which might end up
> in restoring more military power.
> They are the armed forces bill, the intelligence bill and amendments
> to the terrorist law passed earlier.
> 
> 
> Q:  Referring to the recent outbreak of violence in Poso [Central
> Sulawesi], by hit squads dressed in black.
> Is this reminiscent of earlier communal violence in Ambon [Maluku]?
> 
> A:  The attack you refer to in Ambon was by the Laskar Jihad and
> Kopassus [armed forces special unit].
> In Poso there is no evidence of military involvement.
> Poso is a fundamentalist Muslim area, a possible fertile ground for
> pressure to establish Islamic law.
> There are jihadist elements there.  There was possibly a special unit
> of JI set up there to get a jihad going again.
> The violence was of a different style, with different people, than in
> Ambon.
> Possibly, with some of the top JI leaders now in detention, the local
> group in Poso got out of control.
> 
> 
> Q: The Indonesian police chief said at a recent USINDO program that
> about 10 JI leaders are still at large.
> Your comment?
> 
> A:  Those ten people are the big fish, members of the central command
> with the capability of doing serious damage.  But if they were all
> taken into custody JI's capacity would not be reduced.
> Other units would pop up, perhaps without central control, as may have
> been the case in Poso.
> 
> 
> Q:  Who will win the 2004 elections?
> 
> A:  I will give you the current wisdom, but the answer changes every
> two weeks.
> At the moment Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is thought to have very little
> chance to become president.
> His only backing is from the PKB, Gus Dur's party.
> The strongest candidates are, of course, Megawati from PDI-P and
> either Akbar Tandjung or Wiranto from Golkar.  Akbar has rescheduled
> the Golkar convention to occur after the parliamentary elections in
> April.
> This gives him more time to maneuver, especially if in the meantime
> the Supreme Court upholds his appeal from a corruption conviction.
> So the candidates for president might be Megawati and perhaps Akbar
> Tandjung from Golkar.
> In a runoff election, there could well be a "anybody-but-Mega"
> coalition of political parties.
> This might produce dangerous situations in areas with communal
> tensions.
> 
> 
> Q:  We haven't heard much lately about the connection between Jemaah
> Islamiyah and al Qaeda.
> 
> A:  Most Indonesians are skeptical about such links, but the links are
> there.
> Hambali is the key person. He received funds from al Qaeda for the
> Bali bombing.
> There were ties between the two organizations in Afghanistan, and
> there were al Qaeda trainers in Poso in 2000 and 2001.
> It's unfortunate that the U.S. is not allowing the Indonesians to have
> access to Hambali. (Hambali was captured in Thailand and is in U.S
> custody at an undisclosed location.)
> 
> 
> Q:  Are there any hopeful developments in Indonesia, or is the news
> all bad?
> 
> A:  There are many hopeful developments. The stock market is booming,
> the rupiah is stable, small and medium enterprises are growing, recent
> polls suggest a big voter turnout for 2004 elections, and parts of
> decentralization are going well.  There are leaders emerging at local
> levels.
> 
> --------------------------------------------------------------
> 
> Far Eastern Economic Review
> Issue cover-dated November 13, 2003
> [from the Dow Jones Newswires]
> 
> The 5th Column
> 
> Why Indonesians Distrust The U.S.
> 
> By Sidney Jones
> 
> Indonesians are not happy with the war against terrorism, despite the
> success of their police in fighting it, primarily because they don't
> trust the United States government and don't want to be part of a
> U.S.-led campaign.
> 
> The distrust of the U.S. is not just a result of the Bush
> administration's foreign policy in the Middle East, though that is
> part of it. "The U.S. has demonstrated a double standard in responding
> to terrorism in the Israel-Palestine conflict," said an October 22
> editorial in Kompas, Jakarta's leading newspaper, "and there's no
> question that it generally associates terror with Islam."
> But many Indonesians also think that for all the talk about
> partnership and cooperation in the "war," the U.S. just takes without
> giving anything back.
> Its refusal thus far to grant Indonesian police access to detained
> Jemaah Islamiah leader Riduan Isamuddin, or Hambali, is one example.
> (During his fleeting visit to Bali, President George W. Bush promised
> access at some indeterminate future date, but that is not good
> enough.)
> 
> There's also the perception that Indonesians can't win -- no matter
> how many terrorists they arrest, the U.S. is still going to punish
> them for human-rights violations of the past or find some other excuse
> for not giving them credit.
> "In terms of respect for human rights and respect for national
> sovereignty," the Kompas editorial asked, "isn't the attitude of the
> U.S. towards Iraq worse than Indonesian policy towards East Timor?"
> 
> Many Indonesians believe that the U.S. focus on terrorism is pushing
> everything else off the agenda.
> Another leading Jakarta newspaper, Koran Tempo, carried an editorial
> on the eve of Bush's visit, urging Indonesian religious leaders who
> were going to meet the president to tell him that the country had
> other pressing needs: "We have a whole warehouse of problems: poverty,
> corruption, foreign debt, the credibility of our legal system and a
> difficult transition to democracy. These problems aren't getting
> enough attention because so much of our energy is being diverted to
> terrorism, and terrorism in the end is being encouraged by the
> arrogant attitude of America itself."
> 
> These strongly negative attitudes toward the U.S. colour how
> Indonesians in general, and politicians in particular, see Jemaah
> Islamiah.
> The home-grown terrorist organization believed responsible for the
> Bali and Marriott bombings, and perhaps the recent shootings in Poso
> in central Sulawesi as well, has not been banned, and many members of
> the political elite remain unwilling to acknowledge its existence.
> 
> One public reason is that the term jemaah islamiah is a generic term
> meaning "Islamic community," and that applying it to a terrorist
> organization is offensive to many Muslims.
> There is also a concern across the Muslim community that one
> consequence of banning JI could be an assault on pesantrens,
> Indonesia's Muslim boarding schools, simply because of the role a tiny
> handful of these have played in JI recruitment.
> 
> But another key reason why mainstream Muslim leaders and politicians
> have difficulty admitting in public that JI is a terrorist
> organization is because of a widespread view that the U.S. is the real
> terrorist, and nothing JI has done
> compares with the devastation that "America and its lackeys" have
> inflicted on the Muslim world.
> Many moderates don't condone the indiscriminate killing of civilians,
> but they explain it, with some sympathy, as the tactic of groups that
> see themselves as fighting terror, not perpetrating it.
> Suicide bombs, whether in Tel Aviv or Jakarta, are the weapon of the
> weak, they say, against an infinitely stronger foe.
> 
> No amount of U.S. public diplomacy or new assistance is going to
> change the deep antipathy in Indonesia towards American policies in
> the Middle East.
> Stepping up aid for Indonesian education, for example, is a desirable
> aim in itself, but it will not reduce unease about U.S. motives.
> Indeed, to the extent that new assistance is linked to the war on
> terrorism, that unease is likely to grow.
> 
> What to do?
> The U.S. should ensure quick access to Hambali and assist Indonesian
> police as necessary with the gathering of evidence that will allow him
> to be tried in an Indonesian court.
> However weak the legal system, the trials of terror suspects thus far
> have been speedy, fair and transparent, which is more than can be said
> of the U.S.
> But Indonesia also needs a few courageous politicians willing to say
> that whatever people think of the war on terrorism and U.S. policies,
> there's a serious problem at home that needs more attention -- and the
> name of that problem is Jemaah Islamiah.
> Despite the efforts of the police, the public still needs convincing,
> and Indonesians, not Americans, are the only ones who can make the
> case.
> 
> The writer is based in Jakarta as Southeast Asia Director for the
> International Crisis Group.
> 
> 
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