I read with great interest Sanjib Baruah's article "The Partition's Long 
Shadow..." in the December 2009 issue of Citizenship Studies. I learnt a lot. 
Thanks to Chandan-da for forwarding it.



I found particularly useful Sanjib's approach of studying the issue by 
explicitly contrasting the historically "pan-Indian" and the "local" (or 
indigenous) frames of looking at it.  Perhaps, there are other frames that are 
relevant; among them the immigrants' frame. To the extent our collective 
actions are shaped by the stories we tell ourselves, the last one may also have 
played and will play an important role in determining the historical process in 
Assam.



At the conclusion of his article, Sanjib argues for:

 "a multi-level and transnational citizenship regime that decouples citizenship 
from nationality. Voting right in Bangladesh could be combined with full rights 
of personhood in India....While some rights could be universal, others could 
remain tied to nationality. Resident and migratory foreigners could have the 
former, but not the latter. Some version of transnational multi-level 
citzenship regime might be Assam's last hope..."



Independent of the theoretical and symbolic merits of such a scheme, I am 
rather concerned that a society that cannot maintain a simple dual distinction 
between citizens and non-citizens is unlikely to be able to maintain a 
multi-level system of boundaries within its populace. Distinctions require 
exclusion for the different segments - exclusion from public goods, exclusion 
from political rights, exclusion from the right to earn political rent by 
seeking political and other government offices. Exclusion requires enforcement 
and voluntary compliance.



If I am not mistaken, there is a hint in Sanjib's article that such a system 
may be implementable because the people themselves will be more willing to 
comply (he also suggests that cooperation from foreign governments might be 
helpul). For instance (and this is an old argument), if there was a category of 
temporary guest workers that were given the right to work and live without 
right to vote (and a few other such rights), some illegal immigrants would be 
more willing to register themselves legitimately under this category (and visit 
their families across the border freely), rather than claim to be citizens 
(knowing that it is an unlawful claim that could land them in jeopardy and that 
effectively prevents them from moving freely). However, this will not work if 
there is no penalty associated with claiming full citizenship in an unlawful 
manner.



Finally, I wonder whether the legalistic view that the ultimate legitimate 
destiny for illegal immigrants is return to their source country occupies our 
minds excessively. Perhaps, we should think more seriously about creating 
incentives for immigrants to move to rest of India where the pan-Indian 
narrative (that has hurt the north east in the past) will provide them with 
greater legitimacy. And so whether or not we like them, the anti-immigrant 
movements in Assam and other conflicts, the relative decline of economic 
opportunities in Assam and other changes (such as the defeat of Hindutva 
politics by caste based and other forces in mainland India) may be serving a 
historical purpose. Perhaps, we should think about small institutional changes 
that harness the process and encourage it without enticing hostile closing of 
doors by neighboring regions in India. Paradoxically, the more open the 
pan-Indian rhetoric towards immigrants from the subcontinent, lower their 
enforcement of citizenship and the greater the incentive for the marginal 
migrants to move out of Assam. The journey may well continue for some of them.



Santanu.





-----Original Message-----
From: [email protected] [mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf 
Of Chan Mahanta
Sent: Friday, August 27, 2010 1:07 PM
To: A Mailing list for people interested in Assam from around the world
Subject: Re: [Assam] An article on Assam







Here it is Mayur:


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