http://www.miami.com/mld/miamiherald/9584265.htm


Two of the Sept. 11, 2001, hijackers had a support network in the
United States that included agents of the Saudi government, and the
Bush administration and FBI blocked a congressional investigation into
that relationship, Sen. Bob Graham wrote in a book to be released
Tuesday.
The discovery of the financial backing of the two hijackers ''would
draw a direct line between the terrorists and the government of Saudi
Arabia, and trigger an attempted coverup by the Bush administration,''
the Florida Democrat wrote.

And in Graham's book, Intelligence Matters, obtained by The Herald
Saturday, he makes clear that some details of that financial support
from Saudi Arabia were in the 27 pages of the congressional inquiry's
final report that were blocked from release by the administration,
despite the pleas of leaders of both parties on the House and Senate
intelligence committees.

Graham also revealed that Gen. Tommy Franks told him on Feb. 19, 2002,
just four months after the invasion of Afghanistan, that many
important resources -- including the Predator drone aircraft crucial
to the search for Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda leaders -- were being
shifted to prepare for a war against Iraq.

Graham recalled this conversation at MacDill Air Force Base in Tampa
with Franks, then head of Central Command, who was ``looking
troubled'':

``Senator, we are not engaged in a war in Afghanistan.''

''Excuse me?'' I asked.

''Military and intelligence personnel are being redeployed to prepare
for an action in Iraq,'' he continued.

Graham concluded: 'Gen. Franks' mission -- which, as a good soldier,
he was loyally carrying out -- was being downgraded from a war to a
manhunt.''

Graham, who was chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee from
June 2001 through the buildup to the Iraq war, voted against the war
resolution in October 2002 because he saw Iraq as a diversion that
would hinder the fight against al Qaeda terrorism.

He oversaw the Sept. 11 investigation on Capitol Hill with Rep. Porter
Goss, nominated last month to be the next CIA director. According to
Graham, the FBI and the White House blocked efforts to investigate the
extent of official Saudi connections to two hijackers.

Graham wrote that the staff of the congressional inquiry concluded
that two Saudis in the San Diego area, Omar al-Bayoumi and Osama
Bassan, who gave significant financial support to two hijackers, were
working for the Saudi government.

Al-Bayoumi received a monthly allowance from a contractor for Saudi
Civil Aviation that jumped from $465 to $3,700 in March 2000, after he
helped Nawaf al-Hazmi and Khalid al-Mihdhdar -- two of the Sept. 11
hijackers -- find apartments and make contacts in San Diego, just
before they began pilot training.

When the staff tried to conduct interviews in that investigation, and
with an FBI informant, Abdussattar Shaikh, who also helped the
eventual hijackers, they were blocked by the FBI and the
administration, Graham wrote.

The administration and CIA also insisted that the details about the
Saudi support network that benefited two hijackers be left out of the
final congressional report, Graham complained.

Bush had concluded that ''a nation-state that had aided the terrorists
should not be held publicly to account,'' Graham wrote. ``It was as if
the president's loyalty lay more with Saudi Arabia than with America's
safety.''

Saudi officials have vociferously denied any ties to the hijackers or
al Qaeda plots to attack the United States.

Graham ran unsuccessfully for the Democratic presidential nomination
and then decided not to seek reelection to the Senate this year. He
has said he hopes his book will illuminate FBI and CIA failures in the
war on terrorism and he also offers recommendations on ways to reform
the intelligence community.

On Iraq, Graham said the administration and CIA consistently
overplayed its estimates of Saddam Hussein's threat in its public
statements and declassified reports, while its secret reports
contained warnings that the intelligence on weapons of mass
destruction was not conclusive.

In October 2002, Tenet told Graham that ''there were 550 sites where
weapons of mass destruction were either produced or stored'' in Iraq.

''It was, in short, a vivid and terrifying case for war. The problem
was it did not accurately represent the classified estimate we had
received just days earlier,'' Graham wrote. ``It was two different
messages, directed at two different audiences. I was outraged.''

In his book, Graham is especially critical of the FBI for its
inability to track al Qaeda operatives in the United States and blasts
the CIA for ``politicizing intelligence.''

He reserves his harshest criticism for Bush.

Graham found the president had ''an unforgivable level of
intellectual -- and even common sense -- indifference'' toward
analyzing the comparative threats posed by Iraq and al Qaeda and other
terrorist groups.

When the weapons were not found, one year after the invasion of Iraq,
Bush attended a black-tie dinner in Washington, Graham recalled. Bush
gave a humorous speech with slides, showing him looking under White
House furniture and joking, ``Nope, no WMDs there.''

Graham wrote: ``It was one of the most offensive things I have
witnessed. Having recently attended the funeral of an American soldier
killed in Iraq, who left behind a young wife and two preschool-age
children, I found nothing funny about a deceitful justification for
war.''



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