Former Bush Aide Turns Tough Critic
As Iraq Inspector Mr. Bowen Finds Poor Controls, Waste in Reconstruction;
Seeking Missing Millions Harsh Rebuke From Bremer

By YOCHI J. DREAZEN
Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
July 26, 2005; Page A1

During a routine audit last summer of an American office in charge of
doling out reconstruction funding in Hillah, Iraq, U.S. government
investigators made a series of startling discoveries.

The office had paid a contractor twice for the same work. A U.S.
official was allowed to handle millions of dollars in cash weeks after
he was fired for incompetence. Of the $119.9 million allocated for
regional projects, $89.4 million was disbursed without contracts or
other documentation. An additional $7.2 million couldn't be found at
all.

To many officials in both Baghdad and Washington, the only thing more
surprising than the problems was the identity of the man who had
uncovered them: Stuart Bowen, the special inspector general for Iraq
reconstruction.

Mr. Bowen is a Texas lawyer who parlayed a job on George W. Bush's
first gubernatorial campaign into senior posts in Austin and
Washington. He began the Iraq war lobbying for an American contractor
seeking tens of millions of dollars in reconstruction work. Last
October, California Democratic Rep. Henry Waxman singled him out in a
report on "The Politicization of Inspectors General" in the Bush
administration. The report suggested that such auditors wouldn't be
"independent and objective."

Instead, Mr. Bowen has become one of the most prominent and credible
critics of how the administration has handled the occupation of Iraq.
In a series of blistering public reports, he has detailed systemic
management failings, lax or nonexistent oversight, and apparent fraud
and embezzlement on the part of the U.S. officials charged with
administering the rebuilding efforts.

White House officials declined to comment on Mr. Bowen. But he has
drawn harsh criticism from other quarters.

Aides at both the State Department and the Defense Department have
tried to curb the independence of his office. L. Paul Bremer, head of
the Coalition Provisional Authority until June 2004, has criticized
Mr. Bowen for "misconceptions and inaccuracies" and for expecting the
occupation authority, amid postwar chaos, to follow accounting
standards that "even peaceful Western nations would have trouble
meeting." Newt Gingrich, the former House speaker, has called Mr.
Bowen's staff "dramatically out of touch with the practical realities
of waging war and setting up a new government in a war-torn country."

Mr. Bowen acknowledged in one report that "the CPA operated in a
dangerous working environment under difficult conditions." But the
report said the U.S. still should have "established controls and
provided oversight over" reconstruction funds "precisely because there
was no functioning Iraqi government."

In 1994, Mr. Bowen was a senior member of Mr. Bush's campaign team in
his successful run for governor of Texas. After Mr. Bush took office,
Mr. Bowen served as assistant general counsel in the governor's office
and then deputy general counsel under Alberto Gonzales, now U.S.
attorney general. Mr. Bowen crafted some of Gov. Bush's most
controversial legal decisions, such as ousting a Democratic judge and
dismissing widespread questions about the guilt of a death-row inmate.

When Mr. Bush ran for president, Mr. Bowen spent 35 days in Florida
during the recount, and then served as deputy counsel to the Bush
transition team. He rejoined Mr. Gonzales at the White House as
associate counsel. In a 2002 ceremony marking the unveiling of Mr.
Bush's official gubernatorial portrait in Austin, the president
singled out Mr. Bowen as one of the aides who followed him to the
presidency. "I truly believe America is better off as a result of the
influx of Texans who showed up" in Washington, he said.

Mr. Bowen left the administration in March 2003 for a job at Patton
Boggs, a prominent Washington law firm with a big lobbying operation.
The U.S. launched the invasion of Iraq a few weeks later, and Mr.
Bowen began lobbying for reconstruction work on behalf of URS Group
Inc., a San Francisco-based company specializing in international
construction planning and management. Mr. Bowen, one of three Patton
Boggs attorneys on the account, says his only work for the company
involved organizing an April 2003 meeting with a senior official at
the U.S. Agency for International Development. URS didn't win any AID
contracts as a result of that meeting, but the company ultimately won
a series of CPA contracts valued at as much as $30 million to oversee
reconstruction projects.

The effort to rebuild Iraq quickly became the largest U.S.
reconstruction effort since the end of World War II. The funds
eventually included $18.4 billion in U.S. money and more than $22
billion in seized Iraqi assets turned over to the U.S. by the United
Nations.

Strings Attached

In the fall of 2003, Congress created a CPA inspector general to
oversee how the money was spent -- a post that eventually morphed into
the job of inspector general for all Iraq reconstruction. The official
would answer to Mr. Bremer, who headed the occupation authority, and
present reports to Congress at least once every three months. The
office was given a budget of $75 million.

At the request of the Bush administration, the job was created with
many strings attached. Unlike other federal inspectors general, the
new official was to be appointed by the secretary of defense, not the
president, and wouldn't be subject to Senate confirmation. The White
House also won the right to block the inspector general from releasing
a report on national-security grounds -- though none have been blocked
so far. Administration officials and many Congressional Republicans
argued that the situation in Iraq was too chaotic to require normal
oversight. They also cited the danger that an unfettered release of
information could help insurgents plan more effective attacks against
U.S. forces there.

Critics were skeptical that, under those conditions, the inspector
general could offer real oversight. The skeptics weren't encouraged
when, in January 2004, the White House tapped Mr. Bowen, perceived as
a loyal Bush ally, to fill that position.

Mr. Bowen, 47 years old, has an athlete's build and the bearing of the
Air Force captain he once was. He usually keeps packed bags in his
office near the Pentagon, along with his bulletproof vest, handy for
his frequent trips to Baghdad.

He traveled to Iraq for the first time in February 2004, riding from
the airport to the heavily fortified Green Zone in an armored bus
built to withstand direct hits from rockets and roadside bombs. He and
his staff slept in trailers and crammed their entire operation into
two small offices.

One of his flights out of Baghdad had to bank sharply and release
flares to avoid an insurgent missile. An auditor on his staff resigned
after seeing a friend decapitated in a rocket attack.

Mr. Bowen's arrival in Iraq coincided with a significant ramp-up in
the pace of the American rebuilding effort. The U.S. had initially
planned to maintain full control of Iraq for several years. But with
violence raging and influential Iraqis expressing impatience with the
American timetable, the Bush administration announced plans to turn
over power to an interim Iraqi government by June 30.

Hoping to give the incoming government a public-relations boost, Mr.
Bremer ordered American rebuilding officials to use captured Iraqi
money to fund as many small-scale rebuilding projects as could be
completed by the handover date.

Mr. Bowen's audits later found evidence that the push led contracting
officials to take shortcuts that made it difficult to determine where
the money actually went. In Hillah, for instance, a contracting
officer told Mr. Bowen's investigators that he had been given $6.75
million in cash on June 21 with the expectation that he would spend
the entire amount before the handover, which ultimately took place two
days earlier than planned on June 28.

He soon found other examples of apparently lax oversight. An employee
of the CPA comptroller in Baghdad, for example, kept the key to a safe
containing more than $140,000 in cash in an unattended backpack.

In one of his most attention-grabbing reports, issued on Jan. 30,
2005, Mr. Bowen concluded that the American occupation authority
failed to keep track of nearly $9 billion that it transferred to Iraqi
government ministries, which lacked financial controls and internal
safeguards to prevent abuse. One Iraqi ministry cited in the audit
inflated its payroll to receive extra funds, claiming to employ 8,206
guards when it actually employed barely 600.

The report sparked harsh responses from both Mr. Bremer, the former
occupation chief, and the Pentagon. Mr. Bremer chided the auditor for
expecting conventional levels of accountability, saying that "given
the situation the CPA found in Iraq at liberation, this is an
unrealistic standard." The Pentagon also questioned Mr. Bowen's
conclusions. Spokesman Bryan Whitman noted that "the CPA was operating
under extraordinary conditions, from its inception to mission
completion."

Mr. Bowen says that many of the management problems identified in his
reports stem from structural failings in the broader reconstruction
venture. He argues that the rebuilding effort has been understaffed.
In one report, he noted that the central U.S. contracting office was
unable to fill nearly a third of its authorized slots. That meant
contracting personnel worked "13 to 15 hours each day, six days a
week, with a shortened shift of six to 11 hours on the seventh day."

"An inspector general shouldn't play 'gotcha,' " he says. "My job is
to help promote success in Iraq by identifying inefficiencies and
helping correct them. I want to be part of the solution."

Taking On Halliburton

In a November 2004 report, Mr. Bowen took on the big contractor
Halliburton Co. in two separate reports. He urged the Army to withhold
nearly $90 million in payments to Halliburton because the company
couldn't justify what it had charged the government. The report added
that "weakness in the cost-reporting process" was such a problem that
his investigators couldn't do a standard audit of Halliburton's bills
to the CPA. Halliburton spokeswoman Cathy Mann says the Houston-based
oil-services and contracting company is working with the Army to
resolve the matter and "we expect to work through any remaining issues
in a cooperative manner."

Mr. Bowen's audits have also described what appears to be outright
criminal behavior by several government officials. In one case, an
Army soldier serving as the assistant to an American boxing coach
admitted to gambling away half the $40,000 he was given to cover the
expenses of an Iraqi athletic team during a trip to the Philippines;
his case was referred to the military's justice system for a
court-martial. Mr. Bowen also recently gave the Justice Department
information on possibly criminal behavior on the part of U.S.
contracting officers in Hillah, the first time government officials
have been implicated in potential fraud in Iraq. The officers left the
country with no record of how they had spent nearly $1.5 million that
couldn't be found by investigators.

With his caseload increasing, Mr. Bowen is hiring new investigators
and lawyers in both Virginia and Iraq. He has numerous audits under
way, including one looking at the efficiency of a military program
that has allowed commanders to disburse hundreds of millions of
dollars in cash without going through normal contracting channels. His
aides recently began sending engineering teams to U.S.-funded
reconstruction projects across the country to assess the actual
quality of the work.

The future of Mr. Bowen's job has been embroiled in politics.

Shortly before the June 2004 handover of political sovereignty in
Iraq, the State Department proposed folding Mr. Bowen's office into
its own inspector-general system. Under heavy fire from Democrats, the
plan was dropped.

Another bureaucratic fight erupted in the fall of 2004 as lawmakers
debated a bill sponsored by Sen. Russell Feingold, Democrat of
Wisconsin, that would convert Mr. Bowen into a standing special
inspector general. The new job would probe the entire rebuilding
effort while being only loosely overseen by the secretaries of defense
and state. The Pentagon's inspector general warned Defense Secretary
Donald Rumsfeld in a memo that such a bill would effectively leave Mr.
Bowen "accountable to no one" and said he would prepare a directive
tying him to the Pentagon's inspectors.

Nonetheless, the bill was signed into law on Oct. 29, 2004, expanding
Mr. Bowen's role. Mr. Bowen assumed his new post immediately and
currently has a staff of 32 in Baghdad and 70 in Arlington, Va.

Now defenders of Mr. Bowen's office are trying to keep it from being
shut down next year. The bill that created Mr. Bowen's position
empowered him to probe the rebuilding effort until 10 months after 80%
of the reconstruction funds were contracted out. That point is likely
to be reached this month, which means that the office will close next
summer -- well before the money will actually have been spent. Earlier
this month, Sen. Feingold introduced a bill extending the life of Mr.
Bowen's office, but the measure's prospects are uncertain.

Despite endorsements from initially skeptical Democrats, Mr. Bowen
insists that his work shouldn't be seen through the prism of partisan
politics. He says he rarely hears from anyone in the White House these
days -- either professionally or socially. He says he remains an
admirer of President Bush. The only picture in Mr. Bowen's suburban
Virginia office other than a photograph of his children is a framed
shot of the two men at a White House dinner.

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