"The basic Obama argument is that America can solve its problems, that
the country can transcend partisan divides, that Washington can
overcome gridlock and that he, as a new leader unbound by the debates
of the past 20 years, is the one who can make all those things
happen."

------------------------------------------------------------------
Will Obama Deliver the Beef?
February 19, 2008; Page A2
WALL STREET JOURNAL

The battle for the Democratic presidential nomination, between the
established early favorite and the young upstart, was well under way
when the upstart began confronting a nagging criticism: His smooth and
futuristic talk of "new ideas," critics charged, wasn't backed up with
a lot of policy heft.

"Where's the beef?" the establishment candidate asked, a catchphrase
that captured the critique that the challenger was more style than
substance.

A description of this year's struggle between Sens. Hillary Clinton
and Barack Obama? No, it's a flashback to the 1984 nomination fight
between former Vice President Walter Mondale and Sen. Gary Hart.

Mr. Mondale, the party's more established leader, prevailed in that
struggle, and his "Where's the beef?" line had a lot to do with his
success. Now, Sen. Clinton is in the Mondale role, implying and
sometimes asserting that Sen. Obama's almost poetic speeches about
hope and inspiration are short on specifics.

"Speeches don't put food on the table," she said the other day in
Ohio. "Speeches don't fill up your [gas] tank, or fill your
prescription, or do anything about that stack of bills that keeps you
up at night."

The current battle of words over words has taken a new twist, with
videos circulating on the Internet showing that Sen. Obama's response
to skeptics' "just words" critique is remarkably similar to a response
given by Massachusetts Gov. Deval Patrick back in 2006, when Gov.
Patrick was the target of similar campaign criticism.

The argument over style versus substance makes Sen. Clinton a little
like the car dealer trying to persuade a buyer that the solid but
somewhat staid sedan she offers is a better bet than the sexy but
potentially unreliable sports car available down the street. More
important, though, are the two serious issues that lie behind the
tussle: whether Sen. Obama is offering only style, and whether that
really matters.

If you're willing to look, there's a substantial amount of substance
behind that Obama style. For starters, explore the Obama campaign Web
site, and you'll find the standard array of campaign-issue papers on
the economy, health care, Iraq and foreign policy. And now, the Obama
campaign managers are responding to Sen. Clinton's criticism by
highlighting and, well, beefing up those position papers.

The latest example came last week, when Sen. Obama gave a speech in
Wisconsin on his economic positions, accompanied by a six-page,
single-spaced summary. The Obama plan, much of which had been
presented previously, includes a universal mortgage-interest credit, a
$500 middle-class tax credit and $150 billion in spending over 10
years on alternative-energy research and development.

The new, comprehensive presentation shows that the plan would cost
more than $140 billion a year, paid for by ending the war in Iraq as
well as many of the Bush administration's tax cuts.

Obama campaign spokesman Bill Burton says last week's speech was part
of a process of "introducing" his candidate to new groups of voters.
Sen. Obama also has a comprehensive health plan -- one that, unlike
his opponent's, doesn't demand universal insurance coverage -- and an
Iraq plan that will be controversial if he becomes the nominee because
of its call for a 16-month deadline for withdrawing American troops.

In addition, it is always instructive to look at the policy advisers
behind a candidate. Mr. Burton says there are "literally hundreds of
outside policy advisers." Among them are Tony Lake, a former
national-security adviser under President Bill Clinton who comes from
a part of the Democratic foreign-policy establishment that's slightly
to the left and slightly more dovish on Iraq than those on Team
Clinton; Austan Goolsbee, a center-left, generally pro-free-trade
economist at the University of Chicago; and David Cutler, a Harvard
health economist who has stressed that paying for quality is more
important than paying for quantity in health care.

Here's the rub: As anyone who has listened to Sen. Obama knows, the
substance of policy positions takes a decided back seat to the more
ephemeral ideas of hope and inspiration when he addresses voters. The
basic Obama argument is that America can solve its problems, that the
country can transcend partisan divides, that Washington can overcome
gridlock and that he, as a new leader unbound by the debates of the
past 20 years, is the one who can make all those things happen.

The beauty of this Obama approach, aside from its presenter's
impressive oratorical skills, is that it is so in tune with the mood
of many Americans, who seem to want both to be inspired and to leap
beyond partisanship.

The risk, though, is that rhetoric that is light on substance might
fail to unite voters in either party or the country behind specific,
often difficult, steps a new president would have to take. Campaigns
are for winning -- and for building a consensus on what is to be done
after the victory.

In this case, is Sen. Obama building a case for renegotiating the
North American Free Trade Agreement, or for ending it? Is withdrawing
troops from Iraq within 16 months a goal or a deadline? They are
significant questions, and Sen. Obama's task is to be sure his
campaign is shedding light on the answers.

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