> >The Atta-Prague connection is murky, but it is clear he was there at
> >least once, and perhaps twice, though the April, 2001 meeting is
> >unclear. What did he do in six hours inside the Prague airport, 
> which
> >he flew to knowing that he could not get out of the airport because 
> he
> >didn't have a visa? The case on what Atta did in Prague and who he 
> met
> >with is hardly clear, even now.
> >
> >http://www.slate.com/id/2091354/
> 
> You know I did a quick search on it, all I could find that still 
> supported the Atta-Iraq connection was extremist right wingnut blogs 
> and media sources. Not the most reliable of sources. BTW you brought 
> up the only other article not from a right wingnut source, but is 
> there anything more recent that 5 years ago? 

BTW here's a pretty good newsweek article from last year that actually examines 
the issue, and finds no reliable evidence for any connection.

http://www.newsweek.com/id/60443/output/print

Terror Watch: Dubious Link Between Atta And Saddam

A Document Tying The Iraqi Leader With The 9/11 Terrorist Is Probably Fake. 
Plus, How Terror Financiers Manage To Stay In Business
Michael Isikoff and Mark Hosenball
Newsweek Web Exclusive
Updated: 1:15 PM ET Oct 23, 2007

A widely publicized Iraqi document that purports to show that September 11 
hijacker Mohammed Atta visited Baghdad in the summer of 2001 is probably a 
fabrication that is contradicted by U.S. law-enforcement records showing Atta 
was staying at cheap motels and apartments in the United States when the trip 
presumably would have taken place, according to U.S. law enforcement officials 
and FBI documents.

The new document, supposedly written by the chief of the Iraqi intelligence 
service, was trumpeted by the Sunday Telegraph of London earlier this week in a 
front-page story that broke hours before the dramatic capture of Saddam 
Hussein. TERRORIST BEHIND SEPTEMBER 11 STRIKE WAS TRAINED BY SADDAM, ran the 
headline on the story written by Con Coughlin, a Telegraph correspondent and 
the author of the book "Saddam: The Secret Life."

Coughlin's account was picked up by newspapers around the world and was cited 
the next day by New York Times columnist William Safire. But U.S. officials and 
a leading Iraqi document expert tell NEWSWEEK that the document is most likely 
a forgery--part of a thriving new trade in dubious Iraqi documents that has 
cropped up in the wake of the collapse of Saddam's regime.

"It's a lucrative business," says Hassan Mneimneh, codirector of an Iraqi exile 
research group reviewing millions of captured Iraqi government documents. 
"There's an active document trade taking place ... You have fraudulent 
documents that are being fabricated and sold" for hundreds of dollars a piece.

Mneimneh said he hadn't seen the Telegraph document that purports to place Atta 
in Baghdad. But he, along with senior U.S. law-enforcement and intelligence 
officials, said the claims of an Atta trip to Iraq in the months before the 
September 11 attacks were highly implausible--and contradicted by a wealth of 
information that has been collected about Atta's movements during the period he 
was plotting the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon.

The Telegraph story was apparently written with a political purpose: to bolster 
Bush administration claims of a connection between Al Qaeda and Saddam's 
regime. The paper described a "handwritten memo" that was supposedly sent to 
Saddam Hussein by Tahir Jalil Habbush al-Tikriti, chief of Iraqi intelligence 
at the time. It describes a three-day "work program" that Atta had undertaken 
in Baghdad under the tutelage of notorious Palestinian terrorist Abu Nidal, who 
lived in the Iraqi capital until his death under suspicious circumstances in 
August 2002.

"Mohammed Atta, an Egyptian national, came with Abu Ammer [who is unidentified] 
and we hosted him in Abu Nidal's house at Al-Dora under our direct 
supervision," the document states. "We arranged a work program for him for 
three days with a team dedicated to working with him ... He displayed 
extraordinary effort and showed a firm commitment to lead the team which will 
be responsible for attacking the targets that we have agreed to destroy."

The document, which according to Coughlin was supplied by Iraq's interim 
government, doesn't say exactly when Atta was supposed to have actually flown 
to Baghdad. But the memo is dated July 1, 2001, and Coughlin himself places the 
trip as the summer of 2001.

The problem with this, say U.S. law enforcement officials, is that the FBI has 
compiled a highly detailed time line for Atta's movements throughout the spring 
and summer of 2001 based on a mountain of documentary evidence, including 
airline records, ATM withdrawals and hotel receipts. Those records show Atta 
crisscrossing the United States during this period--making only one overseas 
trip, an 11-day visit to Spain that didn't begin until six days after the date 
of the Iraqi memo.

One FBI document, labeled "Law Enforcement Sensitive," states that during the 
summer of 2001, Atta "conducted extensive travel" that included visits in 
Florida, Boston, New York, New Jersey and Las Vegas. Indeed, this and other FBI 
documents show that during the last few days in June--when the presumed Iraq 
trip would appear to have occurred--almost all of Atta's movements are 
accounted for: On June 27, 2001, Atta flew from Ft. Lauderdale, Fla., to 
Boston. On the morning of June 28, he traveled from Boston to San Francisco 
(flying first class) where he switched planes and landed in Las Vegas that 
afternoon at 2:41 p.m. That afternoon, he rented a Chevrolet Malibu from an 
Alamo rental-car office, set up an account at an Internet cafe called the Cyber 
Zone and checked into the EconoLodge motel on Las Vegas Boulevard, a cheap 
motel in a neighborhood of seedy strip joints that is located barely two blocks 
from the local FBI office.

The FBI records show Atta logged onto his Cyber Zone Internet account five 
times over the next two days and then checked out of the EconoLodge at 3:30 
a.m. on the morning of July 1. He then returned his rental car and boarded a 
flight to Denver at 5:59 a.m., landing in Boston later that day. A week later, 
on July 7, Atta boarded a flight from Boston to Zurich--the first leg on his 
trip to Spain. He returned to the United States on July 19, 2001.

Much about Atta's movements is still unknown--and most likely will remain so. 
FBI officials believe, for example, that Atta flew to Las Vegas as part of a 
series of trips he took that summer to test security at U.S. airports in 
preparation for the September 11 attacks. But it is just a theory. The visit to 
Spain is believed to have been for a meeting with Ramzi bin al-Shibh, one of 
the planners of the September 11 attacks, who also was in Spain during the same 
time.

While all of Atta's movements cannot be accounted for, enough is known to make 
it "highly unlikely" that the September 11 ringleader could have flown off to 
Baghdad for a three-day work program with Iraqi intelligence, a FBI official 
told NEWSWEEK. For similar reasons, the bureau has long since discounted claims 
by Czech intelligence--and widely promoted by some Iraq hawks in the Bush 
administration--that Atta had flown to Prague to meet with an Iraqi 
intelligence agent around April 8, 2001.

FBI records show Atta and fellow hijacker Marwan Al-Shehhi checking out of the 
Diplomat Inn in Virginia Beach, Va., and writing a check for cash for $8,000 
for a SunTrust account in that city on April 4, 2001. For the rest of that 
week, Atta's cell phone was used to make repeated calls to Florida. On April 
11, Atta rented an apartment in Coral Springs, Fla. While acknowledging that a 
few days are unaccounted for, the FBI has found no evidence that Atta departed 
the country overseas during this period, an official said.

Mneimneh, the Iraqi document expert, says that there are other reasons to 
discount the handwritten memo touted by the Telegraph. The document includes 
another sensational second item: how Iraqi intelligence, helped by a "small 
team from the Al Qaeda organization," arranged for a shipment from Niger to 
reach Iraq by way of Libya and Syria. Although the shipment is unspecified, the 
reference to Niger was immediately suggestive of Bush administration assertions 
earlier this year that Iraq sought to import yellowcake uranium from that 
African nation--claims that also have been widely discredited as being based on 
other forged documents that apparently came from the Niger Embassy in Rome.

Mneimneh says the wording of the document makes him highly suspicious: Iraqi 
intelligence officials were notoriously conservative and rarely--if ever--put 
incriminating information in writing. The reference to the Iraqi intelligence 
working with a "small team from the Al Qaeda organization" is "too explicit," 
he says.

Ironically, even the Iraqi National Congress of Ahmed Chalabi, which has been 
vocal in claiming ties between Al Qaeda and Saddam's regime, was dismissive of 
the new Telegraph story. "The memo is clearly nonsense," an INC spokesman told 
NEWSWEEK.

Contacted by Newsweek, The Sunday Telegraph's Con Coughlin acknowledged that he 
could not prove the authenticity of the document. He said that while he got the 
memo about Mohammed Atta and Baghdad from a "senior" member of the Iraqi 
Governing Council who insisted it was "genuine," he and his newspaper had "no 
way of verifying it. It's our job as journalists to air these things and see 
what happens," he said.

Holes in the Terror Financing Net

What does it take to shut down a major terrorist finance network ? U.S., 
European and United Nations investigators acknowledge that despite decisions by 
the Bush administration and the United Nations to put out of business a 
Swiss-and-Bahamas-based Islamic financial network called Al-Taqwa ("Fear of 
God" in Arabic), the network's long-time chief, who is also the subject of U.S. 
and United Nations sanctions, still is fighting to keep some of his businesses 
open.

Youssef Nada, an elderly Egyptian financier who founded and ran the Al-Taqwa 
network from bases in southern Switzerland and northern Italy, was designated a 
terrorist financier by the Bush administration in November 2001. A U.S. 
Treasury official testified to Congress that Nada had provided financial 
assistance to Al Qaeda both before and after the 9/11 attacks. In 2002, the 
Treasury placed more than a dozen companies established by Nada and an 
Eritrean-born business associate named Ahmed Idris Nasreddin on the U.S. 
terrorist finance sanctions list.

But U.N. officials and some news organizations recently have reported that 
despite international and U.S. sanctions, Nada and Nasreddin have continued to 
operate companies and own businesses--including luxury hotels in Italy owned by 
Nasreddin. And NEWSWEEK has learned that authorities in the tiny alpine money 
haven of Liechtenstein have recently failed in efforts to seize control over 
the remnants of one of Nada's corporate vehicles.

In an apparent effort to keep part of his financial network alive, 
law-enforcement sources say, Nada successfully applied to Liechtenstein 
officials for permission to rename two of his companies based in the pocket 
principality, both of which were in the process of liquidation. Liechtenstein 
authorities subsequently launched an effort to oust Nada as liquidator of one 
of the companies, now called Waldenberg, and install a former senior 
Liechtenstein government official as the new liquidator. This would have given 
investigators control over what remains of the records of the company, which 
might have yielded valuable clues as to Nada's financial activities.

But European law-enforcement sources say that a judge in Liechtenstein recently 
rejected the government's proposals to install a new liquidator, leaving Nada 
in charge of the failed company--and its critical records. A recent U.N. report 
noted that even though U.N. sanctions say that officially designated terrorist 
financiers like Nada must not be allowed to travel internationally, Nada has 
traveled from his residence in a tiny enclave of Italian territory surrounded 
by the Swiss canton of Ticino to Liechtenstein on business. A Swiss government 
official said that due to relaxed travel controls around Europe, it is not 
practical for the Swiss government to enforce an international travel ban on 
Nada, who has repeatedly denied any connection to Al Qaeda or terrorism.

Terror Watch, written by Michael Isikoff and Mark Hosenball appears online 
weekly
URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/60443


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