We don't have to delve too deeply to find my feelings on the UN. The
situation in Iran should have just about everyone feeling the same
way. So where's YOUR government on Iran? (yes, Obama is out to lunch
on this as well...oh, out to ice cream. Sorry)

http://www.forbes.com/2009/06/24/wheres-united-nations-iran-opinions-columnists-ban-ki-moon.html

People are being killed in Iran. Where is the U.N.? What institution
could be better positioned to relieve President Obama of his worries
about America standing up unilaterally for freedom in Iran? The U.N.
is the self-styled overlord of the international community, committed
in its charter to promote peace, freedom and "reaffirm faith in
fundamental human rights."

Iran's regime is already in gross violation of a series of U.N.
sanctions over a nuclear program the U.N. Security Council deems a
threat to international peace. The same regime has now loosed its
security apparatus of trained thugs and snipers on Iranians who have
been, in huge numbers, demanding their basic rights. Surely top U.N.
officials such as Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon should be leading the
charge for liberty and justice, with the strongest possible criticism
and measures against the Iranian regime.

But that's not happening. While Iranian protesters have been risking
their necks to try to rid their country of a malignant despotism, the
U.N. has hardly even qualified as voting "present."

During the upheaval following the disputed results of Iran's June 12
presidential election, Ban confined himself to a grand total of three
public utterances on the matter. In the first, on June 15, with
pictures of bloodied Iranian protesters already flooding the Internet,
Ban told reporters in New York that he was "closely following the
situation." In words so ritually obtuse that they could have been
scripted for him by Iran's supreme tyrant, Ali Khamenei, Ban added
that he had "taken note of the instruction by the religious leaders
that there should be an investigation into this issue."

The next day, June 16, when asked again about Iran, Ban came up with
pretty much the same anodyne answer: "taken note ... very closely
following ... just seeing how the situation will develop." Other than
that, for the next six days, Ban had lots to say--but not about Iran.
He sent a message to a meeting in Yekaterinburg, Russia, of the
Shanghai Cooperation Organization, which Iran's President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad was attending as an observer, having briefly decamped from
the upheaval that his own Ayatollah-blessed, irregularity-fraught
"re-election" had sparked in Iran.

To this gathering in Russia, where Ahmadinejad posed for the cameras
among a lineup of heads of state, Ban dispatched a message full of
buzzwords about poverty, climate change and "combined commitment to a
peaceful and prosperous common future." He made no mention of the
"situation" in Iran.

Ban also found time for such activities as addressing a seminar on
"cyber-hate." He paid tribute to Gabon's late President Omar Bongo
Ondimba. He fretted about the effects of desertification on migration
patterns by the year 2050. This past weekend, as the world played and
replayed the footage of Iranian protester Neda Agha-Soltan bleeding to
death on a street in Tehran, Ban was in Birmingham, England,
apparently absorbed in accepting an award at a Rotary International
Convention.

Not until June 22 did Ban finally return to the subject of Iran. And
even then, Ban did not step forth before the cameras himself. At the
regular noon press briefing, Ban's spokeswoman, Michele Montas,
delivered a long list of announcements, replete with notices of
assorted public service awards, and of the demise of a man who served
from 1976 to 1981 as the spokesman for former U.N. Secretary General
Kurt Waldheim. There was nothing on Iran.

When the announcements finally ended, the first question she got was
about the Secretary General's reaction to the latest news on election
oddities and murdered protesters in Iran. She replied only that a
statement from Ban was in the works, which she hoped would be ready
"in a few minutes." To a second question on Iran, she said that time
was up, and the briefing was over.

Hours later, Ban's office finally issued the promised response on
Iran: a one-paragraph statement, "attributable to the Secretary
General." It turned out that while Iran's security forces had been
spending day after day beating, shooting and arresting demonstrators,
Ban had progressed from keeping an eye on Iran to following the
situation with "growing concern," and had become "dismayed" by the
violence.

As U.N. diplomat lingo goes, this is phrasing so tepid it could double
as old dishwater. Compare it, for instance, to Ban's statement the
next day about the rape of some 20 women at Goma's central prison in
the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This was a horrible event, but
was it more horrible, or of greater import, than Iran's government
assaulting and slaughtering its own people? In the Congo case--keep
your eye on the nuances--Ban was not merely "dismayed." He was "deeply
distressed."

Or contrast Ban's lukewarm angle on Iran with his "around-the-clock
efforts with world leaders"--as his spokeswoman described it--to
produce an immediate ceasefire when Israeli forces went into
terrorist-run Gaza last December to try to stop Iranian-backed Hamas
from launching rockets into Israel. In that case, Ban declared himself
"deeply dismayed," "deeply alarmed," and having demanded, urged and
condemned, he finally traveled to Gaza.

There, Ban did not wait for any considered inquiry and analysis to
unfold. He let fly, condemning Israel for "excessive" use of force,
and pronouncing himself incensed that U.N. buildings had been
hit--never mind why. He rolled out for the press such phrases as
"outrageous, shocking and alarming," demanded a full investigation and
pronounced himself too "appalled" to be able to describe his full
feelings.

No such vocabulary or demand has been emanating from Ban's office over
the carnage that Iran's government, in order to maintain its
monstrously repressive grip, has been inflicting on its own people.

To be fair to Ban, in his statement Monday on Iran, he did spell out
that his dismay extends particularly to "the use of force against
civilians." But he didn't mention anything about this force being
"excessive." Perhaps by U.N. lights, the Iranian Basij and rooftop
snipers have hit on some eminently proportionate use of
force--dismaying to Ban, lethal to an untold number of Iranians, but
not worth a denouncement as "outrageous, shocking and alarming."

Ban, in the second half of his one-paragraph statement on Iran, went
on to urge "a stop to the arrests, threats and use of force," calling
on "the government and the opposition to resolve peacefully their
differences through dialogue and legal means." That might be a
reasonable notion, were Iran a free society operating with a genuinely
democratic system and set of laws. But Iran under the mullahs is a
place where they jail women who take off their veils, and hang
homosexuals.

Whether disingenuous or simply clueless, Ban, with his morally neutral
U.N. mantra, is ignoring the problem that Iran's regime, since its
inception 30 years ago, has been grounded not in democratic rule of
law, but in rule by diktat and terror. The arrests, threats and force
are part of the government's "dialogue."

Beyond Ban, where is the rest of the U.N. on the showdown and brutal
crackdown in Iran? Well, last Friday, the U.N. high commissioner for
human rights, Navi Pillay, according to the U.N. News Service,
"expressed concern" (though apparently not deep concern). With
fastidious attention to the small print, Pillay noted that "the legal
basis of the arrests that have been taking place, especially those of
human rights defenders and political activists, is not clear." She may
be right; the details right now are not clear. But the big picture
certainly is.

What of the 15-member Security Council, which over the past three
years has imposed sanctions on Iran, meant to stop its
"proliferation-sensitive nuclear activities." You might suppose that
with Iran's government brazenly violating these sanctions, the
Security Council would take an interest in the recent tumult within
the Islamic Republic. Perhaps the U.S. would be pushing the issue?

Nope. According to a Western diplomat connected with the Security
Council, "Iran is not being discussed at the council right now."

Nor is the General Assembly exactly seized of the matter (as they like
to say at the U.N.). The current president of the Assembly is
Nicaragua's Miguel D'Escoto Brockman, a former Sandinista and current
pal of the Tehran regime. In March D'Escoto made a five-day pit stop
in Iran, his visit apparently bankrolled by the Iranian regime. This
week he's making use of the U.N.'s headquarters in New York to host a
conference on remodeling the global financial system.

What of the U.N. agencies? They have a substantial presence inside
Iran, and Iran has a substantial presence inside them. As I've written
previously in these columns, Iran sits on the governing boards of an
array of U.N. agencies, and is currently chairing the 36-member
executive board of the U.N.'s flagship agency, the U.N. Development
Program--which as part of its brief serves as coordinator for other
U.N. operations in the field. In that capacity, as a UNDP official
assures me, Iran does not deal with day-to-day management of the UNDP,
but merely exercises "oversight." On the current "situation" in Iran,
the UNDP top official, Administrator Helen Clark, has remained silent.

So, as protesters die in Iran while calling for freedom, where is the
U.N.? With Ban Ki-Moon and the crew above manning the mother ship of
global diplomacy, the best rejoinder I can come up with is, the
further away, the better.

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