Isn't there an underlying premise, namely, that if one has a country
(however that comes to be), one does not, alone or with others, have the
right to separate and self-determine apart from the others in that
country? In the mid nineteenth century, states in the South were
prevented from self-determining an independent or confederated
existence. The current Administration opposes self-determination by
assorted ethnic groups in Iraq. In contrast, groups in the former
Yugoslavia, with or without approval or acceptance by others did
self-determine and created or resuscitated separate countries.

What if each person on the face of the earth decided, in
self-determination, to be his or her own country (the "me generation"
taken to its logical extreme) and then entered into alliances that were
self-determined as valuable, necessary or useful? Granted, the logistics
are mind-boggling when one applies that math formula to 6 billion
separate self-determined "mes" but in theory, at least, it raises the
question of who gets to say that the land from the Pacific to Atlantic
coast south of roughly the 44th parallel and north of the Rio Grande,
etc. is a place such that those who reside there are limited in
self-determination.

True, someone can "leave" an area but so long as there are soverign
nations with "self-determined" rules, the wandering person without a
country does not have the full slate of choices that genuine
self-determination offers. The person has choices within the boundaries
set by majorities of groups occupying historically based "countries."

Whatever justification is advanced for doing self-determination within
the confines of historically, politically, and militarily established
areas is probably going to make defense of self-determination within
those areas more difficult. There are some serious dilemmas at the core
depth of the notion of self-determination.

Note: I'm not advocating the dissolution of nations. At least not in
this post. And I'm not rejecting the self-determination arguments being
advanced. I'm simply asking where does the analytical process begin, and
if it doesn't begin with the individual qua individual, why not?



Jim Maule
Professor of Law, Villanova University School of Law
Villanova PA 19085
[EMAIL PROTECTED]
http://vls.law.vill.edu/prof/maule
President, TaxJEM Inc (computer assisted tax law instruction)
(www.taxjem.com)
Publisher, JEMBook Publishing Co. (www.jembook.com)
Owner/Developer, TaxCruncherPro (www.taxcruncherpro.com)
Maule Family Archivist & Genealogist (www.maulefamily.com)




>>> [EMAIL PROTECTED] 06/07/03 11:28AM >>>
What is "self-rule" and why should we value it?

"Self-rule" is not in itself the first value of government.  It is a
technique
for realizing the first value of government, which is justice. I think
that
the term "self-determination" is more useful than "self-rule", because
it has
been better defined.

Most lawyers now accept that all peoples have the right to
self-determination
and that by virtue of this right they should be able freely to
determine their
political status and freely to pursue their economic, social and
cultural
development. (see the human rights covenants).

It may be more controversial, but probably acceptable to everyone on
this list
to add that everyone has the right to take part in the government of
her or
his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives, and
that the
will of the people should be expressed in periodic and genuine
elections which
shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret
vote or
by equivalent free voting procedures. (see the Universal Declaration of
Human
Rights).

The difficulty arises in making sure that this exercise of popular
sovereignty
does not violate the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the
human
family, without distinction as to race, color, sex, language,
religion,
political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth
or
other status.

Constitutional restrictions that limit and qualify direct democracy
usually
exist for the purpose of guiding the exercise of self-determination
towards
respect for individual rights.

     Tim Sellers

>===== Original Message From Discussion list for con law professors
<[EMAIL PROTECTED]> =====
>        Four inexcusably brief remarks:
>
>       1. It was never my view that we should be contemptuous of the
Founding
>population.
>
>       2. Saying that the Founders never intended American government
to be
>free of undemocratic elements merely states the problem rather than
resolves
>it. The problem persists, namely, how are undemocratic elements in a
system
of
>government compatible with the idea of self-rule. If such
compatibility
exists,
>it must be explained and defended. (Incidentally, my hunch is that
such an
>explanation is possible. My point is that it is necessary.)
>
>       3.  Embracing democracy in no way entails a commitment to
"populist
>democracy." Democratic theory contains democratic alternatives to
'populism,"
in
>the ordinary sense of that term.
>
>       4. From both a pragmatist and democratic perspective, I think
it
>dangerous in the extreme to canonize any group of people because
their
education
>and experience were impressive, or even because their principles were
good.
>Whether we can learn from the Founding generation (of course, we can)
is, in
my
>view, largely irrelevant to the question of whether Founding-Centered
(and
>famous Founder-Centered) constitutionalism is appropriate. More
important,
>Founding-Centered constitutionalism tends to dedicate or fix
constitutionalism in ways
>that are, I would think, incompatible for self-rule.
>
>Bobby Lipkin
>Widener University School of Law
>Delaware

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