I agree with Eugene's point; this seems one of those subjects, like
impeachment, where you don't want a split decision.  I must confess,
though, that I have a conflict of interest:  I'd like a recess
appointment, myself.  I don't really want to be a judge for life, but I
think it would be fun for a while.  Of course, rendering that conflict
insignificant is the indisputable fact that no administration of either
party is likely to appoint me to anything. . . .


>         I certainly agree with Sandy's descriptive claim that the Court
> is
> "capable of deciding that Article II doesn't control" here.  But that's
> a separate question from the normative claim of whether the Court should
> so decide.  That the Court may have decided the sovereign immunity cases
> in a way that's inconsistent with the text and the original meaning (if
> that is indeed so) doesn't mean that the Court ought to likewise set
> aside the text and the original meaning in this instance (and I know of
> no evidence that the text and the original meaning differ here).
>
>         Moreover, as I understand the state sovereign immunity cases --
> and
> I hasten to say that I'm not an expert on the history of the subject --
> they are at least supported by a pretty long line of precedent going
> back to Hans v. Louisiana and in some measure before, and there is at
> least some contemporaneous evidence (for instance, a statement in the
> Federalist) that state sovereign immunity was meant to be preserved by
> the Constitution. That original meaning or traditional understanding may
> sometimes trump text is one thing; it doesn't follow, it seems to me,
> that pretty general structure should trump a pretty specific text and
> traditional understanding.
>
>         It seems to me that this is especially so with regard to
> questions
> such as who appoints high government officials, even temporary ones.
> This seems to me to be the sort of question for which it's especially
> important to have a pretty definite answer.  The text provides a fairly
> definite answer; the history cements it; it seems to me that we should
> stick with that, despite the plausible structural arguments against it.
>
>         Recall, incidentally, that there's a plausible structural
> argument
> in favor of temporary appointments, too -- judicial vacancies can cause
> a pretty serious interference with federal business, and would have
> caused even more in the early Republic, where having judges from
> neighboring courts sit by designation would have been much more
> difficult.
>
>         Eugene
>
>> -----Original Message-----
>> From: Levinson [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
>> Sent: Saturday, June 14, 2003 11:58 AM
>> To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>> Subject: Re: More on recess appointments
>>
>>
>> David Wagner writes:
>>
>> Recess appointees look anomalous from a constitution-maker's
>> perspective, but the Constitution we actually have provides
>> for them (Art. II. Sec. 2, paragraph 3). The reference here
>> to "vacancies" presumably refers to the wide range of
>> officers listed in paragraph 2. Is there a textual argument
>> that paragraph 3 is inapplicable to Art. III judges?
>>
>>
>> I don't think there's a "textual" argument available, but so
>> what?  There's certainly a strong structural argument and now
>> a strong precedential argument, especially if one takes last
>> week's case seriously.  There is no more reason to read the
>> Article II text as "absolute" than there is, say, to read the
>> First Amendment or the Contract as absolute, whatever their
>> grammar (why doesn't "no law" mean "no law"?).  A court
>> capable of deciding the recent bunch of structural
>> federalism/no federal jurisdiction cases, in the teeth of the
>> language of the 11th amendment, is certainly capable of
>> deciding that Article II doesn't control with regard to
>> something so important as preserving judicial independence
>> and the appearance of same.  That recess appointments go way
>> back shouldn't count for this court.  After all, it had no
>> trouble saying that the Chisholm v. Georgia court simply
>> engaged in an obvious misunderstanding of the Constitution
>> (whatever the text) in upholding diversity juri!  sdiction,
>> so that, presumably, the 11th amendment was wholly unncessary
>> (except to reverse the court's inexplicably stupid decision).
>>
>> sandy


--

Professor of Law
University of Tennessee
1505 W. Cumberland Ave.
Knoxville, TN  37996-1810
865.974.6744

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